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Richard Müller (socialist)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Richard Müller (9 December 1880 – 11 May 1943) was a German socialist, metal worker, union shop steward, and later historian. Trained as a lathe-operator, Müller later became an industrial unionist and organizer of mass-strikes against World War I. In 1918 he was a leading figure of the council movement in the German Revolution. In the 1920s he wrote a three-volume history of the German Revolution.

Passport Nr. 1 for Emil Barth, member of the Berlin Executive Council (highest-ranking worker´s council in the German Revolution); with signatures from Richard Müller and Brutus Molkenbuhr

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today we’re going to talk about capitalism. [off we go then!] Yeah, Mr. Green, capitalism just turns men into wolves. Your purportedly free markets only make slaves of us all. Oh, God, Stan, it’s Me from College. Me from the Past has become Me from College. This is a disaster. The reason he’s so unbearable, Stan, is that he refuses to recognize the legitimacy of other people’s narratives and that means that he will never, ever be able to have a productive conversation with another human in his entire life. [harsh much, Mr. Green?] So, listen, Me from the Past, I’m going to disappoint you by being too capitalist. And I’m going to disappoint a lot of other people by not being capitalist enough. [100% guaranteed] And, I’m going to disappoint the historians by not using enough jargon. [and Stan. Stan loves jargon] But, what can I do? We only have 12 minutes. [ish] Fortunately capitalism is all about efficiency so let’s do this, Me from College. Randy Riggs becomes a bestselling author; [I love pictures & the word peculiar] Josh Radnor stars in a great sitcom; [Ted Mosby is super Rad(nor), Josh] it is NOT GOING TO WORK OUT with Emily, and DO NOT go to Alaska with a girl you’ve known for 10 days. [Shenanigans?] OKAY, LET’S TALK CAPITALISM. [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] So, capitalism is an economic system, but it’s also a cultural system. It’s characterized by innovation and investment to increase wealth. But today we’re going to focus on production and how industrial capitalism changed it. Stan, I can’t wear these emblems of the bourgeoisie while Karl Marx himself is looking at me. It’s ridiculous. I’m changing. Very hard to take off a shirt dramatically. [or unsuggestively] So let’s say it’s 1,200 CE and you’re a rug merchant. Just like merchants today, you sometimes need to borrow money in order to buy the rugs you want to resell at a profit, and then you pay that money back, often with interest, once you’ve resold the rugs. This is called mercantile capitalism, and it was a global phenomenon, from the Chinese to the Indian Ocean trade network to Muslim merchants who would sponsor trade caravans across the Sahara. But by the 17th century, merchants in the Netherlands and in Britain had expanded upon this idea to create joint stock companies. Those companies could finance bigger trade missions and also spread the risk of international trade. But the thing about international trade is sometimes boats sink or they get taken by pirates, [Aaarrr!] and while that’s bad if you’re a sailor because, you know, you lose your life, it’s really bad if you’re a mercantile capitalist because you lost all your money. But if you own one tenth of ten boats, your risk is much better managed. [but is mischief managed?] That kind of investment definitely increased wealth, but it only affected a sliver of the population, and it didn’t create a culture of capitalism. Industrial Capitalism was something altogether different, both in scale and in practice. Let’s use Joyce Appleby’s definition of industrial capitalism: "An economic system that relies on investment of capital in machines and technology that are used to increase production of marketable goods.” So, imagine that someone made a Stan Machine. [lots of Stantastic possibilities there] By the way, Stan, this is a remarkable likeness. And that Stan Machine could produce and direct ten times more episodes of Crash Course than a human Stan. [not super sure Stan's not a robot, btw] Well, of course, even if there are significant upfront costs, I’m going to invest in a Stan Machine, so I can start cranking out ten times the knowledge. Stan, are you focusing on the robot instead of me? I am the star of the show! [sounds like unemployment, Stanimal] Stan Bot, you’re going behind the globe. So, when most of us think of capitalism, especially when we think about its downsides (long hours, low wages, miserable working conditions, child labor, unemployed Stans) [doing yo-yo tricks on the Indy streets] that’s what we’re thinking about. Now admittedly this is just one definition of industrial capitalism among many, but it’s the definition we’re going with. Alright, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Industrial capitalism developed first in Britain in the 19th century. Britain had a bunch of advantages: It was the dominant power on the seas and it was making good money off of trade with its colonies, including the slave trade. Also, the growth of capitalism was helped by the half-century of civil unrest that resulted from the 17th century English Civil War. Now, I’m not advocating for civil wars or anything, but in this particular case it was useful, because before the war the British crown had put a lot of regulations on the economy— complicated licenses, royal monopolies, etc. —but during the turmoil, it couldn’t enforce them, which made for freer markets. Another factor was a remarkable increase in agricultural productivity in the 16th century. As food prices started to rise, it became profitable for farmers, both large and small, to invest in agricultural technologies that would improve crop yields. Those higher prices for grain probably resulted from population growth, which in turn was encouraged by increased production of food crops. A number of these agricultural improvements came from the Dutch, who had chronic problems feeding themselves and discovered that planting different kinds of crops, like clover that added nitrogen to the soil and could be used to feed livestock at the same time, meant that more fields could be used at once. This increased productivity eventually brought down prices, and this encouraged further innovation in order to increase yield to make up for the drop in prices. Lower food prices had an added benefit – since food cost less and wages in England remained high, workers would have more disposable income, which meant that if there were consumer goods available, they would be consumed, which incentivized people to make consumer goods more efficiently, and therefore more cheaply. You can see how this positive feedback loop leads to more food and more stuff, culminating in a world where people have so much stuff that we must rent space to store it, and so much food that obesity has become a bigger killer than starvation. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So this increased productivity also meant that fewer people needed to work in agriculture in order to feed the population. To put this in perspective, in 1520, 80% of the English population worked the land. By 1800, only 36% of adult male laborers were working in agriculture, and by 1850, that percentage had dropped to 25. This meant that when the factories started humming, there were plenty of workers to hum along with them. [humming < obnoxious than whistling] Especially child laborers. So far all this sounds pretty good, right? I mean, except for the child labor. Who wouldn’t want more, cheaper food? Yeah, well, not so fast. One of the ways the British achieved all this agricultural productivity was through the process of enclosure. Whereby landlords would re-claim and privatize fields that for centuries had been held in common by multiple tenants. [they busted up hippie communes?] This increased agricultural productivity, but it also impoverished many tenant farmers, many of whom lost their livelihoods. Okay, for our purposes, capitalism is also a cultural system, rooted in the need of private investors to turn a profit. So the real change needed here was a change of mind. People had to develop the capitalist values of taking risks and appreciating innovation. And they had to come to believe that making an upfront investment in something like a Stan Machine [silent mode not optional] could pay for itself and then some. One of the reasons that these values developed in Britain was that the people who initially held them were really good at publicizing them. Writers like Thomas Mun, who worked for the English East India Company, exposed people to the idea that the economy was controlled by markets. And, other writers popularized the idea that it was human nature for individuals to participate in markets as rational actors. Even our language changed: the word “individuals” did not apply to persons until the 17th century. And in the 18th century, a “career” still referred only to horses’ racing lives. Perhaps the most important idea that was popularized in England [other than safety pin accessories later) was that men and women were consumers as well as producers and that this was actually a good thing because the desire to consume manufactured goods could spur economic growth. “The main spur to trade, or rather to industry and ingenuity, is the exorbitant appetite of men, which they will take pain to gratify,” So wrote John Cary, one of capitalism’s cheerleaders, in 1695. And in talking about our appetite, he wasn’t just talking about food. That doesn’t seem radical now, but it sure did back then. So here in the 21st century, it’s clear that industrial capitalism— at least for now— has won. Sorry, buddy. But, you know, you gave it a good run. You didn’t know about Stalin. [or the bright future of manscaping] But capitalism isn’t without its problems, or its critics, ["haters" in the parlance of our times] and there were certainly lots of shortcomings to industrial capitalism in the 19th century. Working conditions were awful. Days were long, arduous, and monotonous. Workers lived in conditions that people living in the developed world today would associate with abject poverty. One way that workers responded to these conditions was by organizing into labor unions. Another response was in many cases purely theoretical: socialism, [gasp, clutch the pearls] most famously Marxian socialism. I should probably point out here that socialism is an imperfect opposite to capitalism, even though the two are often juxtaposed. [consider that before commenting maybe?] Capitalism’s defenders like to point out that it’s “natural,” meaning that if left to our own devices, humans would construct economic relationships that resemble capitalism. Socialism, at least in its modern incarnations, makes fewer pretenses towards being an expression of human nature; it’s the result of human choice and human planning. So, socialism, as an intellectual construct, began in France. [he spins the whole world in his hand] How’d I do, Stan? Mm, in the border between Egypt and Libya. There were two branches of socialism in France, utopian and revolutionary. Utopian socialism is often associated with Comte de Saint Simon and Charles Fourier, both of whom rejected revolutionary action after having seen the disaster of the French Revolution. Both were critical of capitalism and while Fourier is usually a punchline in history classes because he believed that, in his ideal socialist world, the seas would turn to lemonade, [wut] he was right that human beings have desires that go beyond basic self interest, and that we aren’t always economically rational actors. [truth] The other French socialists were the revolutionaries, and they saw the French Revolution, even its violence, in a much more positive light. [Vive Goddard!] The most important of these revolutionaries was Auguste Blanqui, and we associate a lot of his ideas with communism, which is a term that he used. Like the utopians, he criticized capitalism, but he believed that it could only be overthrown through violent revolution by the working classes. However, while Blanqui thought that the workers would come to dominate a communist world, he was an elitist. [by which you mean an arugula eater?] And he believed that workers on their own could never, on their own, overcome their superstitions and their prejudices in order to throw off bourgeois oppression. [interesting] And that brings us to Karl Marx, whose ideas and beard cast a shadow over most of the 20th century. Oh, it’s time for the Open Letter? [roll all you want, i'm not looking] [aloha miss hand] An Open Letter to Karl Marx’s Beard. But, first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, robots. Stan Bots! Two Stan Bots, one of them female! [a featured female, on Crash Course? ha] now I own all the means of production. [no evil laugh and/or mustache twisting?] You’re officially useless to me, Stan. Now, turn the camera off. Turn the ca-- I’m going to have to get up and turn the camera off? Stan Bot, go turn the camera off. Hey there, Karl Marx’s beard. Wow, you are intense. [and probably pretty grody] Karl Marx, these days there are a lot of young men who think beards are cool. Beard lovers, if you will. [beardos] Those aren’t beards, those are glorified milk mustaches. I mean, I haven’t shaved for a couple weeks, Karl Marx, but I’m not claiming a beard. [nothing a solid scrubbing couldn't fix?] You don’t get a beard by being lazy, you get a beard by being a committed revolutionary. That’s why hardcore Marxists are literally known as “Bearded Marxists.” [not to be confused w/ "Mulleted Marxists" from the 80's] These days, that’s an insult. But you know what, Karl Marx, when I look back at history, I prefer the bearded communists. Let’s talk about some communists who didn’t have beards: Mao Zedong, Pol Pot, Kim Jong-il, Joseph freakin’ Stalin with his face caterpillar. So, yeah, Karl Marx’s beard, it’s my great regret to inform you that there are some paltry beards trying to take up the class struggle these days. Best Wishes, John Green Although he’s often considered the father of communism, because he co-wrote The Communist Manifesto, Marx was above all a philosopher and a historian. It’s just that, unlike many philosophers and historians, he advocated for revolution. His greatest work, Das Kapital, sets out to explain the world of the 19th century in historical and philosophical terms. Marx’s thinking is deep and dense and we’re low on time, but I want to introduce one of his ideas, that of class struggle. [yeah buddy, here we go] So, for Marx, the focus isn’t on the class, it’s on the struggle. Basically Marx believed that classes don’t only struggle to make history, but that the struggle is what makes classes into themselves. The idea is that through conflict, classes develop a sense of themselves, and without conflict, there is no such thing as class consciousness. So, Marx was writing in 19th century England and there were two classes that mattered: the workers and the capitalists. The capitalists owned most of the factors of production (in this case, land and the capital to invest in factories). The workers just had their labor. So, the class struggle here is between capitalists, who want labor at the lowest possible price, and the workers who want to be paid as much as possible for their work. There are two key ideas that underlie this theory of class struggle. First, Marx believed that “production,” or work, was the thing that gave life material meaning. Second, is that we are by nature social [St]animals. We work together, we collaborate, we are more efficient when we share resources. Marx’s criticism of capitalism is that capitalism replaces this egalitarian collaboration with conflict. And that means that it isn’t a natural system after all. And by arguing that capitalism actually isn’t consistent with human nature, Marx sought to empower the workers. That’s a lot more attractive than Blanqui’s elitist socialism, and while purportedly Marxist states like the USSR usually abandon worker empowerment pretty quickly, the idea of protecting our collective interest remains powerful. That’s where we’ll have to leave it for now, lest I start reading from The Communist Manifesto. [noooooo!] But, ultimately socialism has not succeeded in supplanting capitalism, as its proponents had hoped. In the United States, at least, “socialism” has become something of a dirty word. So, industrial capitalism certainly seems to have won out, and in terms of material well being and access to goods and services for people around the world, that’s probably a good thing. Ugh, you keep falling over. You’re a great bit, but a very flimsy one. Actually, come to think of it, you’re more of an 8-bit. [haha… um, crickets] But how and to what extent we use socialist principles to regulate free markets remains an open question, and one that is answered very differently in, say, Sweden than in the United States. [lingonberries & Skarsgards pwn] And this, I would argue, is where Marx still matters. Is capitalist competition natural and good, or should there be systems in place to check it for the sake of our collective well-being? Should we band together to provide health care for the sick, [and that's Jenga] or pensions for the old? Should government run businesses, and if so, which ones? The mail delivery business? [stamps are awesome.<3 you USPS] The airport security business? The education business? Those are the places where industrial capitalism and socialism are still competing. And in that sense, at least, the struggle continues. Thanks for watching, I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer and myself. We’re ably interned by Meredith Danko. And our graphics team is Thought Bubble. Last week’s phrase of the week was “the TARDIS,” so you can stop suggesting that now! If you want to suggest future phrases of the week or guess at this week’s, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course, and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget You are my density. Alright, Stan, bring the movie magic... Yes! [outro] [outro]

Early life

Born in a small village called Weira in the Grand Duchy of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach, in what today is the German state of Thuringia, Müller left home and started working in the metal-industry after his father died in 1896.[1]: 11–12  He became a lathe operator and around 1906 a member of the Deutscher Metallarbeiter-Verband (DMV), the German metalworkers union. Around the same time he became a member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands - SPD) which by then was the biggest socialist party in Europe.[2]

World War I and the Anti-War Movement

In 1914 Müller was chairman of the agitational commission of the Berlin branch of the Metalworkers Union. Müller represented around 9,000 lathe-operators in the city of Berlin. When the First World War started, the social-democrats and the union leaders decided to collaborate with the imperial government and to support the war-movement. The lathe-operators, however maintained a left wing viewpoint and criticized this nationalist turn of the socialist and trade union movement and started wildcat strikes.

From 1916 to 1918, these strikes became a mass-movement which substantially challenged the political support for the world-war. Müller, as the head of an organization called the "Revolutionary Stewards", was the leading figure behind these mass-strikes.[3] Müller was arrested and drafted into the military three times, but he always managed to find a way out and return his political work.

After the January-Strike in 1918 a big wave of repression hit the anti-war-movement. Müller and his circle decided to plan an armed uprising within the next months. Preparations began quite slowly, but gained speed in the fall of 1918, when the military catastrophe for Germany became more and more obvious to the public. Müller and the shop-stewards started secret conferences that involved Karl Liebknecht and his spartacist league but also some representatives of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) who had split from SPD because they opposed the war. Liebknecht in these meetings pushed for action, but Müller and his comrades had a more pragmatic way of organizing things. In order to secure the success of the revolution, they wanted to avoid premature actions at all costs.[4]

German Revolution

Although the Berlin Coalition of Müller's revolutionary stewards, the spartacists and the USPD was the best-prepared group, the Revolution itself started spontaneously as a mutiny within the German war-fleet. When news about these events came to Berlin, the revolutionaries sped up their preparations and called for action on 9 November. The shop-stewards, who were the only leftist group with a widespread network in the factories, called for a general strike and armed demonstrations formed to enter the city center.

First Congress of the Worker´s and Soldier´s Councils of Germany, December 1918 - opening speech by Richard Müller

The revolutionaries took Berlin by surprise, almost no resistance was put against their actions. One day after the revolution, Müller became chairman of the "Executive Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils" (Vollzugsrat). By then this was the highest organ of the newly declared "Socialist republic of Germany", so that in theory Müller was head of state. But in fact power concentrated within the "Council of People's Representatives" (Rat der Volksbeauftragten), a revolutionary government dominated by Friedrich Ebert, leader of the Social Democrats. Müller and the more radical forces in the executive council lost power very quickly. They had to hand over executive powers to the Council of People's Representatives only two weeks after the revolution, and in the summer of 1919 Vollzugsrat was shut down by force after several strikes calling for socialization of core-industries were turned down as well. These strikes in the spring of 1919 were the biggest mass-mobilisation of the German council movement in which Müller was a leading figure. Together with his friend Ernst Däumig he wrote a very influential conception how council-communism could work in practise. By then, the periodical "The Workers-Council" (Der Arbeiter-Rat), was the theoretical organ of the council movement and Müller was one of its main authors. During the strike Movement in March 1919 Richard Müller was strike-leader for the larger Berlin area and tried to build a united front of all working class parties, but failed.[5]

Communist Party

When the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) was founded by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg on New Year's Eve of 1918, they tried to integrate Müller and the revolutionary stewards because of their credibility among workers and their widespread network within the factories. Although Müller was part of the socialist left and sympathizing with Liebknecht, he and his group decided not to join the party. The reason was its intention to boycott the upcoming elections for the national assembly and to leave the major unions in order to form their own communist union movement.

After the KPD turned away from this ultra-left and more or less sectarian political course, Müller and many of his former comrades joined the party in October 1920. By then, the USPD had split and the left majority altogether had found its way to Communism. By then the council movement was already dead and political parties once again were the main organisation of the socialist movement.

Within the KPD, Müller became Leader of the "Reichsgewerkschaftszentrale", the KPD's central on union affairs. Müller was responsible for the communist agitation and politics within the German unions. He lost this job in March 1921 when he criticised a failed communist uprising in Thuringia. In his views the action was premature and caused by police provocation. But the KPD central committee did not like independent critics within the party and tried to get rid of Müller. Due to an Intervention of Lenin and Trotsky on the Third World-Congress of the Communist International they had to accept the re-integration of Müller and other critics into the KPD. But when fights within the party started over again later, Müller and his faction lost support from Moscow and left the party.[6]

Historian

After he was forced out of the communist movement, Müller wrote an extensive history of the German Revolution. The first volume "Vom Kaiserreich zur Republik" (From Empire to republic) was published in 1924. A year later two other volumes followed: "Die Novemberrevolution" (The November-Revolution) and "Bürgerkrieg in Deutschland" (Civil War in Germany). Müller's writings were the only contemporary Marxist history of the German Revolution. In addition, they presented a unique collection of sources that Müller had collected during his political career. But in the academia, Müller's conclusions were mostly ignored because of his Marxist point of view. This is a paradox because Müller's works were widely used as a source in almost every standard account of the historical events, since Müller gave the most detailed inside-view on the revolutionary movement. Prominent examples are the works of Arthur Rosenberg and Sebastian Haffner, two German historians who not only used Müller as a source but also discussed his conclusions. Müller's writings were re-discovered in the 1960s by the German student movement and had a strong influence on its view on the German Revolution.[7]

Retreat to private life

By the end of the 1920s Müller was an active member of the "Deutscher Industrieverband" (DIV), a small communist but anti-Stalinist union without party affiliation. Little is known about his activity there and Müller left the Organisation around 1929. Afterwards he became an entrepreneur in real estate. Originally, he wanted to become a publisher and founded a company called "Phoebus" in order to promote his third book. But after some time, the firm changed its field of operation and went into construction works. Phoebus built state-subsidized homes for working-class families and Richard Müller acted very successfully as director of the enterprise. By 1930 he had become a millionaire; some time later he left the business and retired. Little is known about his late years; he did not seem to be active in any kind of anti-fascist action, at least nothing like this is documented. Müller died on 11 May 1943 in Berlin.[8]

Writings

  • Vom Kaiserreich zur Republik; Wien: Malik, 1924–1925
    • Volume 1: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der revolutionären Arbeiterbewegung während des Weltkrieges.
    • Volume 2: Die Novemberrevolution. Wien (Malik-Verlag) 1924, Cover by John Heartfield.
  • Der Bürgerkrieg in Deutschland. Geburtswehen der Republik. Berlin, Phöbus-Verlag, 1925
reprints: Olle & Wolter, Berlin 1979 (Kritische Bibliothek der Arbeiterbewegung, Texte Nr. 3, 4 und 5) and: Richard Müller, Eine Geschichte der Novemberrevolution, Berlin 2011 (all three works in one volume.)

Literature

  • Ralf Hoffrogge: Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution, Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement, Brill Publishers, Leiden 2014, ISBN 9789004219212.
  • Ralf Hoffrogge: "From Unionism to Workers’ Councils: The Revolutionary Shop Stewards in Germany 1914–1918", in: Immanuel Ness, Dario Azzellini (Ed): Ours to Master and to Own: Worker´s Control from the Commune to the Present, Haymarket Books Chicago 2011.
  • Ralf Hoffrogge: Richard Müller: Der Mann hinter der Novemberrevolution, Karl-Dietz-Verlag Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-320-02148-1
  • Chaja Boebel/Lothar Wentzel (Hg.): Streiken gegen den Krieg. Die Bedeutung der Massenstreiks in der Metallindustrie vom Januar 1918, VSA-Verlag, Hamburg 2008, ISBN 978-3-89965-320-5 .
  • Ingo Materna: Der Vollzugsrat der Berliner Arbeiter- und Soldatenräte 1918/19, Dietz-Verlag Berlin 1978.
  • Dietmar Lange: Massenstreik und Schießbefehl: Generalstreik und Märzkämpfe in Berlin 1919, Edition Assemblage, Berlin 2012.

External links

References

  1. ^ Hoffrogge, Rolf (2014). Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution, Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement. Chicago: Haymarket. ISBN 9781608465507.
  2. ^ Ralf Hoffrogge, Richard Müller - Der Mann hinter der Novemberrevolution, Berlin 2008, pp. 15-25.
  3. ^ See: Ralf Hoffrogge, From Unionism to Workers’ Councils - The Revolutionary Shop Stewards in Germany 1914–1918, in: Dario Azzellini, Immanuel Ness (Hg): Ours to Master and to Own: Worker´s Control from the Commune to the Present, Chicago 2011
  4. ^ Richard Müller, Vom Kaiserreich zur Republik, volume I, Vienna 1924; see also: Chaja Boebel/Lothar Wentzel (Hg.): Streiken gegen den Krieg - Die Bedeutung der Massenstreiks in der Metallindustrie vom Januar 1918, Hamburg 2008
  5. ^ Ralf Hoffrogge, Richard Müller - Der Mann hinter der Novemberrevolution, Berlin 2008, pp. 90-144.
  6. ^ Ralf Hoffrogge, Richard Müller - Der Mann hinter der Novemberrevolution, Berlin 2008, pp. 144-170.
  7. ^ For further information see the preface written by Frank Dingel for the 1974 reprint of Müllers first book "Vom Kaiserreich zur Republik".
  8. ^ Ralf Hoffrogge, Richard Müller - Der Mann hinter der Novemberrevolution, Berlin 2008, pp. 1198-215.
This page was last edited on 12 March 2024, at 17:55
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