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There are 577 députés, each elected by a single-member constituency (at least one per department) through a two-round system; thus, 289 seats are required for a majority. The president of the National Assembly, currently Yaël Braun-Pivet, presides over the body. The officeholder is usually a member of the largest party represented, assisted by vice presidents from across the represented political spectrum. The National Assembly's term is five years; however, the President of France may dissolve the Assembly, thereby calling for early elections, unless it has been dissolved in the preceding twelve months. This measure has become rarer since the 2000 French constitutional referendum reduced the presidential term from seven to five years; since the 2002 French legislative election and until the 2022 French legislative election, the President of the Republic has always had a coattail effect of majority in the Assembly two months after the presidential election, and it would accordingly be of little benefit to dissolve it. Due to the separation of powers, the President of the Republic may not take part in parliamentary debates. They can address the Congress of the French Parliament, which meets at the Palace of Versailles, or have the address read by the presidents of both chambers of Parliament, with no subsequent debate.
The French Revolution: Crash Course World History #29
The National Assembly (French Revolution: Part 3)
Legislative Assembly (France)
20th June 1789: Tennis Court Oath sworn by the French National Assembly
National Assembly (French Revolution)
Transcription
Hi, my name is John Green,
this is Crash Course World History
and today we’re going to talk about
The French Revolution.
Admittedly,
this wasn’t the French flag until 1794,
but we just felt like he looked
good in stripes. [vertical = slimming]
As does this guy. Huh?
So, while the American Revolution is
considered a pretty good thing,
the French Revolution is often seen
as a bloody, anarchic mess—which—
Mr. Green, Mr. Green!
I bet, like always,
it’s way more complicated than that.
Actually no.
It was pretty terrible.
Also, like a lot of revolutions,
in the end it exchanged an authoritarian
regime for an authoritarian regime.
But even if the revolution was a mess,
its ideas changed human history—
far more, I will argue,
than the American Revolution.
[Intro music]
[intro music]
[intro music]
[intro music]
[intro music]
[intro music]
[intro music]
Right,
so France in the 18th century
was a rich and populous country,
but it had a systemic problem
collecting taxes because of
the way its society was structured.
They had a system with kings and nobles
we now call the ancien regime.
Thank you,
three years of high school French.
[and Meredith the Interness]
And for most French people,
it sucked,
[historical term]
because the people with the money—
the nobles and the clergy—
never paid taxes.
So by 1789,
France was deeply in debt thanks to
their funding the American Revolution—
thank you, France,
[also for Goddard and The Coneheads]
we will get you back in
World Wars I and II.
And King Louis XVI was spending half of his
national budget to service the federal debt.
Louis tried to reform this system
under various finance ministers.
He even called for democracy on a local level,
but all attempts to fix it failed and soon
France basically declared bankruptcy.
This nicely coincided with hailstorms
that ruined a year’s harvest,
[ah, hail]
thereby raising food prices and
causing widespread hunger,
which really made the
people of France angry,
because they love to eat.
Meanwhile, the King certainly
did not look broke,
as evidenced by his well-fed
physique and fancy footwear.
He and his wife Marie Antoinette
also got to live in the very nice
Palace at Versailles
thanks to God’s mandate,
but Enlightenment thinkers like Kant
were challenging the
whole idea of religion,
writing things like:
“The main point of enlightenment is of man’s
release from his self-caused immaturity, primarily
in matters of religion.”
[while smacking folks in face w/ glove]
So basically the peasants were hungry,
the intellectuals were
beginning to wonder
whether God could or should
save the King,
and the nobility were dithering about,
eating fois gras and songbirds,
[I'd rather eat cake, personally]
failing to make meaningful
financial reform.
In response to the crisis,
Louis XVI called a meeting
of the Estates General,
the closest thing that France had
to a national parliament,
which hadn’t met since 1614.
The Estates General was like a super parliament
made up of representatives from the First
Estate, the nobles, the Second Estate, the
clergy,
and the Third Estate, everyone else.
The Third Estate showed up with
about 600 representatives,
the First and Second Estates
both had about 300,
and after several votes,
everything was deadlocked,
and then the Third Estate was like,
“You know what? Forget you guys.
[expletive deleted]
We’re gonna leave and we’re gonna
become our own National Assembly.”
This did not please King Louis XVI.
[everything can't be an eclair, Lou]
So when the new National Assembly
left the room for a break,
he locked the doors, and he was like,
"Sorry, guys, you can't go in there. And if
you can't assemble, how you gonna be a national
assembly?"
[…and with that, mischief managed!]
Shockingly,
the Third Estate representatives were
able to find
a different room in France,
[D'oh!]
this time an indoor tennis court where
they swore the famous Tennis Court Oath.
[Like McEnroe? You can't be serious..]
And they agreed not to give up until
a French constitution was established.
So then Louis XVI responded
by sending troops to Paris
primarily to quell uprisings
over food shortages,
but the revolutionaries saw this
as a provocation,
so they responded by seizing the
Bastille Prison on July 14th,
which, coincidentally,
is also Bastille Day.
The Bastille was stormed ostensibly
to free prisoners—
although there were only seven
in jail at the time—
but mostly to get guns.
But the really radical move in the
National Assembly came on August 4,
when they abolished most of
the ancien regime.
-- feudal rights, tithes, privileges
for nobles, unequal taxation,
they were all abolished --
in the name of writing a
new constitution.
And then, on August 26th, the National Assembly
proclaimed the Declaration of Rights of Man
and Citizen,
which laid out a system of rights
that applied to every person,
and made those rights integral
to the new constitution.
That’s quite different from
the American bill of rights,
which was, like,
begrudgingly tacked on at the end
and only applied to non-slaves.
The DoRoMaC,
as I called it in high school,
declared that everyone had the right
to liberty, property, and security—
rights that the French Revolution
would do an exceptionally poor job
of protecting,
but as noted last week,
the same can be argued for many other
supposedly more successful revolutions.
Okay, let’s go to the Thought Bubble.
Meanwhile, back at Versailles,
Louis XVI was still King of France,
and it was looking like France might be a
constitutional monarchy. Which might've meant
that the royal family could hang on to their
awesome house,
but then, in October of 1789, a rumor started
that Marie Antoinette was hoarding grain somewhere
inside the palace.
And in what became known as
the Women's March,
a bunch of armed peasant women stormed the
palace and demanded that Louis and Marie Antoinette
move from Versailles to Paris.
Which they did,
because everyone is afraid of
armed peasant women.
["hell hath no rath" and all]
And this is a nice reminder that
to many people at the time,
the French Revolution was not primarily
about fancy Enlightenment ideas;
it was mostly about lack of food and a political
system that made economic contractions hardest
on the poor.
Now, a good argument can be made that this
first phase of the revolution wasn’t all
that revolutionary.
The National Assembly wanted to
create a constitutional monarchy;
they believed that the king was necessary
for a functioning state and they were mainly
concerned that the voters and office holders
be men of property.
Only the most radical wing,
the Jacobins,
called for the creation of a republic.
But things were about to get
much more revolutionary—
and also worse for France.
First, the Jacobins had a huge petition drive
that got a bit unruly, which led troops controlled
not by the King but by the national assembly
to fire on the crowd,
killing 50 people.
And that meant that the National Assembly,
which had been the revolutionary voice of
the people, had killed people in an attempt
to reign in revolutionary fervor.
You see this a lot throughout history during
revolutions. What looked like radical hope
and change suddenly becomes
"The Man"
as increasingly radical ideas
are embraced.
Thanks, Thought Bubble.
Meanwhile, France’s monarchical neighbors
were getting a little nervous about all this
republic business,
especially Leopold II,
who in addition to being the not holy not
roman and not imperial holy roman emperor,
was Marie Antoinette’s brother.
I should note, by the way,
that at this point,
the Holy Roman Empire was
basically just Austria.
Also, like a lot of monarchs,
Leopold II liked the idea of monarchies,
and he wanted to keep his job as a person
who gets to stand around wearing a dress,
pointing at nothing,
owning winged lion-monkeys
made out of gold.
[must've been a real partier, that one]
And who can blame him?
So he and King William Frederick II of Prussia
together issued the Declaration of Pilnitz,
which promised to restore the French monarchy.
At this point,
Louis and the National Assembly
developed a plan:
Let’s invade Austria.
[always a solid plan?]
The idea was to plunder Austria’s wealth
and maybe steal some Austrian grain to shore
up French food supplies,
and also, you know,
spread revolutionary zeal.
But what actually happened is that Prussia
joined Austria in fighting the French.
And then Louis encouraged the Prussians,
which made him look like an enemy of the revolution,
which, of course, he was.
And as a result,
the Assembly voted to suspend the monarchy,
have new elections in which everyone could
vote
(as long as they were men),
and create a new
republican constitution.
Soon, this Convention decided to have a trial
for Louis XVI,
who was found guilty and,
by one vote,
sentenced to die via guillotine.
Which made it difficult for Austria and
Prussia to restore him to the throne.
Oh,
it’s time for the open letter?
[musical chairs undefeated champ rolls]
An Open Letter to the Guillotine.
But first,
let’s see what’s in
the secret compartment today.
Oh, there’s nothing.
Oh my gosh, Stan!
Jeez. That’s not funny!
[That's what Anne Boleyn said…]
Dear Guillotine,
I can think of no better example
of Enlightenment thinking run amok.
Dr. Joseph Guillotine,
the inventor of the guillotine,
envisioned it as an
egalitarian way of dying.
They said the guillotine was humane
and it also made no distinction between
rich or poor, noble or peasant.
It killed equally.
You were also celebrated for
taking the torture out of execution.
But I will remind you,
you did not take the dying
out of execution.
[or have a self-cleaning function]
Unfortunately for you,
France hasn’t executed anyone
since 1977.
But you’ll be happy to know that the last
legal execution in France was via guillotine.
Plus, you’ve always got a future
in horror movies.
Best wishes,
John Green
The death of Louis XVI
marks the beginning of The Terror,
the best known or at least the most
sensational phase of the revolution.
I mean,
if you can kill the king,
you can kill pretty much anyone,
which is what the government did
under the leadership of
the Committee of Public Safety
(Motto:
We suck at protecting public safety)
led by Maximilien Robespierre.
The terror saw the guillotining of 16,000
enemies of the revolution including
Marie “I never actually said
Let them eat cake” Antoinette
and Maximilien Robespierre himself,
who was guillotined in the month of
Thermidor in the year Two.
Oh, right.
So while France was broke
and fighting in like nine wars,
the Committee of Public Safety
changed the measurements of time
because, you know,
the traditional measurements are
so irrational and religion-y.
So they renamed all the months
and decided that every day would have
10 hours and each hour 100 minutes.
And then, after the Terror,
the revolution pulled back a bit
and another new constitution
was put into place,
this one giving a lot more power
to wealthy people.
At this point,
France was still at war with
Austria and Britain,
wars that France ended up winning,
largely [lol] thanks to a little
corporal named Napoleon Bonaparte.
The war was backdrop to a bunch of coups and
counter coups that I won’t get into right
now because they were very complicated,
but the last coup that we’ll talk about,
in 1799, established Napoleon Bonaparte as
the First Consul of France.
And it granted him
almost unlimited executive power
under yet another constitution.
By which he presumably meant that France’s
government had gone
all the way from here
to here
to here.
As with the American revolution,
it’s easy to conclude that
France’s revolution wasn’t
all that revolutionary.
I mean,
Napoleon was basically an emperor and,
in some ways,
he was even more of an absolute
monarch than Louis XVI had been.
Gradually the nobles
came back to France,
although they had mostly lost
their special privileges.
The Catholic Church returned, too,
although much weaker
because it had lost land and
the ability to collect tithes.
And when Napoleon himself fell,
France restored the monarchy,
and except for a four-year period,
between 1815 and 1870,
France had a king who was either
a Bourbon or a Bonaparte.
Now, these were no longer
absolute monarchs who claimed that
their right to rule came from God;
they were constitutional monarchs
of the kind that the revolutionaries
of 1789 had originally envisioned.
But the fact remains
that France had a king again,
and a nobility,
and an established religion
and it was definitely not a
democracy or a republic.
And perhaps this is why the
French Revolution is so controversial
and open to interpretation.
Some argue the revolution succeeded in spreading
enlightenment ideals even if it didn’t bring
democracy to France.
Others argue that the real legacy of the Revolution
wasn’t the enhancement of liberty,
but of state power.
Regardless,
I’d argue that the French Revolution
was ultimately far more revolutionary
than its American counterpart.
I mean, in some ways,
America never had an aristocracy,
but in other ways it continued
to have one—
the French enlightenment thinker,
Diderot, felt that Americans should
“fear a too unequal division of wealth resulting
in a small number of opulent citizens and
a multitude of citizens living in misery.”
And the American Revolution
did nothing to change
that polarization of wealth.
What made the French Revolution
so radical was
its insistence on the
universality of its ideals.
I mean,
look at Article 6 of
the Declaration of the
Rights of Man and Citizen:
“Law is the expression of the general will.
Every citizen has a right to participate personally,
or through his representative, in its foundation.
It must be the same for all, whether it protects
or punishes.”
Those are radical ideas,
that the laws come from citizens,
not from kings or gods,
and that those laws should
apply to everyone equally.
That’s a long way from Hammurabi—
and in truth,
it’s a long way from
the slaveholding Thomas Jefferson.
In the 1970s,
Chinese President Zhou Enlai was asked
what the affects of the
French Revolution had been.
And he said,
“It’s too soon to say.”
And in a way, it still is.
The French Revolution asked new questions
about the nature of people’s rights and
the derivation of those rights.
And we’re still answering
those questions and sorting
through how our answers
should shape society today.
—must government be of the people
to be for the people?
Do our rights derive from nature
or from God or from neither?
And what are those rights?
As William Faulkner said,
“The past is never dead.
It’s not even past.”
Thanks for watching.
I’ll see you next week.
Crash Course is
produced and directed
by Stan Muller,
our script supervisor is
Danica Johnson,
the show is written by my high school
history teacher Raoul Meyer and myself,
our graphics team is Thought Bubble,
[If you <3 our graphics, Blame Canada!]
and we are ably interned by Meredith Danko.
[dba: The Interness or MTVCS]
Last week’s phrase of the week was
"Giant Tea Bag"
[seriously, it totally was]
If you want to suggest
future phrases of the week,
or guess at this week's
you can do so in comments,
where you can also ask questions
about today’s video
that will be answered by our team of historians.
Thanks for watching Crash Course,
and as we say in my hometown,
don’t forget, Metal Ball,
I Can Hear You.
[slides out like an ace photobomber]
[music outro]
[music outro]
The President of the Republic can decide to dissolve the National Assembly and call for new legislative elections. This is meant as a way to resolve stalemates where the Assembly cannot decide on a clear political direction. This possibility is seldom exercised. The last dissolution was by President Jacques Chirac in 1997, following from the lack of popularity of Prime Minister Alain Juppé. However, the plan backfired, as the newly elected majority was opposed to Chirac.
The National Assembly can overthrow the executive government (that is, the Prime Minister and other ministers) by a motion of no confidence (motion de censure). For this reason, Prime Ministers and their government are necessarily from the dominant party or coalition in the assembly. In the case of a President of the Republic and National Assembly from opposing parties, this leads to the situation known as cohabitation; this situation, which has occurred three times (twice under François Mitterrand, once under Jacques Chirac), is likely to be rarer now that terms of the President and Assembly are the same length (5 years since the 2000 referendum) and are elected in the same year.
While motions de censure are periodically proposed by the opposition following government actions that it deems highly inappropriate, they are purely rhetorical; party discipline ensures that, throughout a parliamentary term, the Government is never overthrown by the Assembly, at least when the governing party/coalition holds a working majority in the Chamber (which is no longer the case as of 2023).[2] Since the beginning of the Fifth Republic, there has only been one single successful motion de censure, in 1962 in hostility to the referendum on the method of election of the President of the Republic;[3] President Charles de Gaulle dissolved the Assembly within a few days.[4]
The Government (the Prime Minister and the Minister in charge of Relations with Parliament) used to set the priorities of the agenda for the Assembly's sessions, except for a single day each month. In practice, given the number of priority items, it meant that the schedule of the Assembly was almost entirely set by the executive; bills generally only have a chance to be examined if proposed or supported by the executive. This, however, was amended on 23 July 2008. Under the amended Constitution, the Government sets the priorities for two weeks in a month. Another week is designated for the Assembly's "control" prerogatives (consisting mainly of oral questions addressed to the Government). The fourth one is also set by the Assembly. Furthermore, one day per month is set by a "minority" (group supporting the Government but which is not the largest group) or "opposition" group (having officially declared it did not support the Government).
Legislators of the Assembly can ask written or oral questions to ministers. The Wednesday afternoon 3 p.m. session of "questions to the government" is broadcast live on television. Like Prime Minister's Questions in the United Kingdom, it is largely a show for the viewers, with members of the majority asking flattering questions, while the opposition tries to embarrass the government.[5]
Since 1988, the 577 deputies are elected by direct universal suffrage with a two-round system by constituency, for a five-year mandate, subject to dissolution. The constituencies each have about 100,000 inhabitants. The electoral law of 1986 specifies their variance of population within a department should not exceed 20%, when conducting any redistribution.[6] However, none were redrawn between 1982 and 2009. As a result of population movements, births and deaths inequalities between the less populous rural districts and the urban districts arose. The deputy for the most populous (within Val-d'Oise), represented 188,000 voters, while that for the other extreme (for Lozère at-large), represented 34,000. That for Saint Pierre and Miquelon serves fewer than 6,000. Most were redrawn in 2009 (boundaries officially adopted in 2010, effective in 2012),[7] but this redistribution was controversial,[8] such as the creation of eleven constituencies for French residents overseas without increasing the number of seats.[9][10] The electoral map is drawn by an independent commission.
To be elected in the first round of voting, a candidate must obtain at least 50% of the votes cast, with a turnout of at least 25% of the registered voters on the electoral rolls. If no candidate is elected in the first round, those who account for in excess of 12.5% (1⁄8) of the registered voters are entered in the second round of voting. If no three or more meet such conditions, the two highest-placing candidates automatically advance to the second round of voting – at which, the candidate who receives the most votes is elected. Each candidate is enrolled along with a substitute, who takes the candidate's place if during tenure incapacitated or barred – if the deputy becomes a government member, most notably.
The organic law of 10 July 1985 established a system of party-list proportional representation within the framework of the département. It was necessary within this framework to obtain at least 5% of the vote to elect an official. However, the legislative election of 1986, carried out under this system, gave France a new majority which returned the National Assembly to the aforementioned two-round system.
The agenda of the National Assembly is mostly decided by the Government, although the Assembly can also enforce its own agenda. Indeed, article 48 of the Constitution guarantees at least a monthly session decided by the Assembly.[12]
Law proposal
A law proposal is a document divided into three distinct parts: a title, an exposé des motifs and a dispositif. The exposé des motifs describes the arguments in favour of a modification of a given law or new measurements that are proposed. The dispositif is the normative part, which is developed within articles.[12]
A proposal for a law can originate from the Government (projet de loi) or a Member of Parliament (proposition de loi). Certain laws must come from the Government, including financial regulations.[13] The law proposals may pass through the National Assembly and Senate in an indifferent order, except for financial laws which must go through the Assembly first, or territorial organisational laws or laws for French citizens living in foreign countries, which must first pass through the Senate.[14]
Deposit of a law
For an ordinary proposition of law, texts must be first reviewed by a permanent parliamentary commission, or a special commission designated for this purpose. During the discussion in the commission, or in plenary sessions in the Assembly, the Government and Parliament can add, modify or delete articles of the proposal. The text is thus amended. Amendments proposed by a parliamentarian cannot mobilise further public funding. The Government has to right to ask the Assembly to pronounce itself in one vote only with the amendments proposed or accepted by the Government itself.[12]
Projects of propositions of laws will be examined succinctly by the two chambers of Parliament (National Assembly and Senate) until the text is identical. After two lectures by the two chambers (or just one if the Government chooses to engage an acceleration of the text adoption, which can happen only in certain conditions) and without any accord, the Prime Minister or the two presidents of the chambers, conjointly with first, can convoke a special commission composed by an equal number of members of Assembly and Senators to reach a compromise and propose a new text. The new proposition has to be approved by the Government before being re-proposed to the two chambers. No new amendments can be added except on the Government's approval. If the new proposal of law fails to be approved by the two chambers, the Government can, after a new lecture by the National Assembly and the Senate, ask the National Assembly to rule a final judgement. In that case, the National Assembly can either take back the text elaborated by the special commission or the last one that they voted for – possibly modified by several amendments by the Senate.[12]
The President of the Republic, on the Government or the two chambers' proposal, can submit every law proposal as a referendum if it concerns the organisation of public powers, reforms on the economy, social and environmental measures, or every proposition that would have an impact on the functioning of the institutions. A referendum on the previous conditions can also be initiated by a fifth of the membership of Parliament, supported by a tenth of the voters inscribed on the electoral lists.[15] Finally, the laws are promulgated by the President of the Republic's signature. The officeholder may call for a new legislative deliberation of the law or one of its articles in front of the National Assembly, which cannot be denied.[12]
Assembly legislators receive a salary of €7,043.69 per month. There is also the "compensation representing official expenses" (indemnité représentative de frais de mandat, IRFM) of €5,867.39 per month to pay costs related to the office, as well as a total of €8,949 per month to pay up to five employees. They also have an office in the Assembly, various perquisites in terms of transport and communications, social security, a pension fund and unemployment insurance. Under article 26 of the Constitution, deputies, like Senators, are protected by parliamentary immunity. In the case of an accumulation of mandates, a deputy cannot receive a wage of more than €9,779.11. Deputies' expenses can be scrutinised by a commission; sanctions can be pronounced if expenses were undue.
The position of deputy of the National Assembly is incompatible with that of any other elected legislative position (Senator or since 2000, Member of European Parliament) or with some administrative functions (members of the Constitutional Council and senior officials such as prefects, magistrates, or officers who are ineligible for department where they are stationed).
Deputies may not have more than one local mandate (in a municipal, intercommunal, general, or regional council) in addition to their incumbent mandate. Since the 2017 legislative election, deputies cannot hold an executive position in any local government (municipality, department, region). However, they can hold a part-time councillor mandate. In July 2017, 58% of deputies held such a seat. Since 1958, the mandate is also incompatible with a ministerial function. Upon appointment to the Government, the elected deputy has one month to choose between the mandate and the office. If they choose the second option, then they are replaced by their substitute. Since a change validated by the National Assembly in 2008, deputies can return to their seat in the Assembly one month after the end of their cabinet position. Previously, a special election had to be held.
To be eligible to be elected to the National Assembly, one must be at least 18 years old,[16] of French citizenship, as well as not subject to a sentence of deprivation of civil rights or to personal bankruptcy.
Eligibility conditions
1. Eligibility due to personal requirements
The essential conditions to run for elections are the following. First, a candidate must have French citizenship. Secondly, the minimum age required to run for a seat at the National Assembly is set at 18 years old.[17] The candidate must also have fulfilled his National Civic Day, a special day created to replace the military service.[18] Finally, a candidate under guardianship and curatorship cannot be elected to the Assembly.[19]
Furthermore, a person cannot be elected if they were declared ineligible following fraudulent funding of a previous electoral campaign. Indeed, the voter could be considered as highly influenced and their decision making could be impacted. The sincerity of the results could thus not be regarded as viable and legitimate.[20]
2. Eligibility due to positions that a person may occupy
The deputy mandate cannot be cumulated with a mandate of Senator, MEP, member of the Government or of the Constitutional Council.[17]
The deputy mandate is also incompatible with being a member of the military corps on duty, as well as with the exercise of one of the following mandates: regional council executive, Corsican Assembly executive, departmental council executive or municipal council executive in a municipality of a least or more than 3,500 inhabitants.[21]Prefects are also unable to be elected in France in every district they are exercising power or exercised power for less than three years before the date of the election.[22]
Since the 31 March 2017, being elected deputy is incompatible with most executive local mandates such as mayors, president of a regional council or member of the departmental council.[23]
An additional constituency was created in Corsica in 1975.
In 1976, Comoros gained their independence except Mayotte, which became a Territorial collectivity (one constituency), and Saint Pierre and Miquelon (formerly TOM) became a DOM.
In 1977, French Territory of the Afars and the Issas (formerly known as French Somali Coast) became independent; moreover, a new constituency was created in Polynesia (TOM) and another in New Caledonia (TOM).
In 1988, the majoritarian two-ballot system was re-established. In comparison to 1981 elections, 96 new constituencies were created (91 in the Metropolitan France, 5 in the Overseas departments), while 10 parisian constituencies (n. 22 to n. 31) were suppressed.
^There is no active agreement between LR and the government. However, in the October 2022 votes of no confidence and March 2023 votes of no confidence, the LR leadership declared their voting intentions were to abstain, with 42 deputies following the party line which granted continued support to the government, and as such can be classified as granting unofficial confidence and supply, although they haven't ruled out voting for a motion of no confidence or even tabling one in the future. Additionally, at the beginning of the 16th National Assembly, the Republicans' group submitted a declaration of opposition affiliation to the Chamber's Presidency, granting them the opposition group official statute.
^Stéphane Mandard (7 June 2007). "En 2005, un rapport préconisait le remodelage des circonscriptions avant les législatives de 2007" [In 2005, a report recommended the redesign of the constituencies before the 2007 legislative elections]. Le Monde.
^"Code électoral – Article LO119" [Electoral code - Article LO119]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
^"Comment crée-t-on une loi?" [How do you make a law?]. Libération (in French). 9 June 2017. Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
^ ab"Code électoral – Article LO137" [Electoral code - Article LO137]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
^"Code électoral – Article L45" [Electoral code - Article L45]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
^"Code électoral – Article LO129" [Electoral code - Article LO129]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
^"Code électoral – Article LO141" [Electoral code - Article LO141]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
^"Code électoral – Article LO132" [Electoral code - Article LO132]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.