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Market Revolution

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Market Revolution in 19th century United States is a historical model which argues that there was a drastic change of the economy that disoriented and coordinated all aspects of the market economy in line with both nations and the world. Charles Grier Sellers (1927–2021), a leading historian of the Market Revolution, portrayed it as a highly negative development that marked the triumph of capitalism over democracy. He argued that this was one of the most significant transformations of America within the first half of the nineteenth century—indeed, the defining event of world history—the evolution from an agrarian to a capitalist society. Sellers observed:

While dissolving deeply rooted patterns of behavior and belief for competitive effort, it mobilized collective resources through government to fuel growth in countless ways, not least by providing the essential legal, financial, and transport infrastructures. Establishing capitalist hegemony over economy, politics, and culture, the market revolution created ourselves and most of the world we know.[1]

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  • The Market Revolution: Crash Course US History #12
  • The MARKET REVOLUTION in America—INDUSTRIALIZATION [APUSH Review Unit 4 Topic 5] Period 4: 1800-1848
  • The Market Revolution - part 1

Transcription

CCUS12 - The Market Revolution Hi, I’m John Green. This is Crash Course U.S. History and today we return to one of my favorite subjects: economics. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, I don’t want to brag, but economics is actually my best subject. Like, I got the bronze medal at the state academic decathlon tournament...among C-students. Yeah, I remember, Me from the Past. By the way, thanks for getting that picture into our show. It just goes to show you: aptitude is not destiny. Anyway, economics is about much more than, like, supply and demand curves. Ultimately, it’s about the decisions people make and how those decisions shape their lives and the world. So today we’re going to turn to one of the least studied but most interesting periods in American history: the Market Revolution. There weren’t any fancy wars, or politically charged debates, but this discussion shaped the way that most Americans actually live their lives and think about work on a daily basis. Like, if you, or someone you know, GOES TO work, well…then, you have the market revolution to thank, or possibly to curse. Intro The Market Revolution, like the Industrial Revolution, was more of a process than an event; it happened in the first half the 19th century, basically the period before the Civil War. This was the so-called “Era of Good Feelings” because between 1812 and 1836 there was really only one political party, making American politics, you know, much less contentious, also more boring. The Market Revolution saw many Americans move away from producing stuff largely for themselves on independent farms—that Jeffersonian ideal—and toward producing goods for sale to others, often others who were very far away, with prices set by competition with other producers. This was closer to Hamilton’s American dream. In the end, buddy, you didn’t get to be president, but you did win. In many ways this was the beginning of the modern commercial/industrial economy, not just in the United States, but in the world. The first thing that enabled this massive economic shift was new technology, specifically in transportation and communication. Like, in the 18th century, it was very difficult to bring goods to markets, and that meant that markets were local and small. Most trade was overland and transporting goods 30 miles overland in the United States literally cost as much as shipping them to England. So to get something from Cincinnati to New York, for instance, the most efficient way was to go down the Mississippi River, through the Gulf of Mexico, around Florida, and then up the Atlantic Coast, which took three months. But that was still less time, and less money, than more direct overland routes. But new transportation changed this. First came better roads, which were largely financed by tolls. Even the federal government got in on the act, building the so called National Road, which reached all the way from the massive city of Cumberland, Maryland across our great nation to the equally metropolitan Wheeling, West Virginia. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, Mr. Green-- I know, Me From The Past, West Virginia did not yet exist. AH shut up! More important than roads were canals, which made transport much cheaper and more efficient, and which wouldn’t have been possible without the steamboat. Robert Fulton’s steamboat Clermont first sailed from New York to Albany in 1807, demonstrating the potential of steam powered commerce. And by 1811 there were steamboats on the Mississippi. The introduction of steamboats set off a mania for canal building. Between 1800 and the depression of 1837, which put a halt to most construction, more than 3000 miles of canals were built. And no state was more instrumental in the canal boom than New York, which in 1825 completed the 363 mile long Erie Canal linking the Great Lakes with the Hudson River, which made New York the nation’s premier port Other cities like Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse grew up along the canal, so much so that Nathaniel Hawthorne once said that canal is like fertilizer, causing cities to spring up alongside it. That’s such a good simile, Nathaniel Hawthorne. It’s almost like the United States didn’t have any good writers until Mark Twain. But, we need to read somebody from the early 19th century, so I guess it’s you. But from a long-term perspective, the most important new transportation: railroads. The first commercial railroad, the Baltimore and Ohio, was begun in 1828 and by 1860 there were more than 30,000 miles of rails in the United States. And on the communication side, we got the telegraph, so no longer would Andrew Jackson fight battles two weeks after the end of a war. Telegraphs allowed merchants to know when to expect their shipments and how much they could expect to sell them for. And then, as now, more information, meant more robust markets. But perhaps the most important innovation of the time was the factory. Now, when you think of factories, you might think of, like, Chinese political prisoners making smartphones, but early factories looked like this. More than just a technological development, the factory was an organizational innovation. Like, factories gathered workers together in one place and split up tasks among them, making production much faster and also more efficient. The first factories relied on water power, which is the reason they were all east of the “fall line,” the geographic reason why there are so many waterfalls and rapids on the east coast. But after 1840, steam power was introduced, so factories could be located in other places, especially near the large cities that were sprouting up in what we now know as the midwest. So the American system of manufacture, which centered on mass production of interchangeable parts, grew up primarily in New England, but then it moved to the Midwest, where it spent its adolescence and its adulthood and now its tottering decline into senility. So all these new economic features, roads, canals, railroads, telegraphs, factories, they all required massive upfront capital investment. Like, you just can’t build a canal in stages as it pays for itself, so without more modern banking systems and people willing to take risks, none of this would have happened. Some of these investments were facilitated by new business organizations, especially the limited liability corporation which enabled investors to finance business ventures without being personally responsible for losses other than their own. In other words, corporations can fail without, like, ruining their stockholders and directors. People don’t always like that, by the way, but it’s been very good for economic growth in the last 180 years or so. So having angered a bunch of people by talking about the important role that big businesses played in growing the American economy in the 19th century, I will now anger the rest of you by talking about the important role that the state played. In the 1830s states began passing general incorporation laws which made it easier to create corporations, and the Supreme Court upheld them and protected them from further interference in cases like Gibbons v. Ogden, which struck down a monopoly that New York had granted to one steamboat company. And the Charles River Bridge case which said that building a second bridge over the Charles River did not infringe upon the charter of the first bridge. In both those cases, the court was using its power to encourage competition. And this brings up something really important about the growth of American capitalism: Government helped. The Federal government built roads and canals and its highest court protected businesses. And states issued bonds to build canals and offered sweetheart deals to companies that built railroads. And despite what we may believe about the heroic, risk taking entrepreneurs building the American economy through solitary efforts, without the government protecting their interests, they wouldn’t have been able to do much. Alright, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The market revolution changed the landscape of work, which for most of the prior two hundred years happened at home. Small-scale production of clothes and other goods had been done in the home, largely by women, and initially this is how industrial production worked as well. Factory owners would produce some of the products, like patterns for shoes, and then farm the finishing out to people working in their houses. Eventually they realized that it would be more efficient to gather the workers together in one place. Although the older “putting out” system continued in some industries, especially in big cities, after the Market Revolution more and more Americans went to work instead of working from home. The Market Revolution also changed the way we imagined work and leisure time. Like, on farms, the seasons and hours of daylight regulated the time for work, but in factories, work is regulated by the clock, which by the way was one of the first products to be manufactured using the American System of manufacturing. Railroads and shipping timetables further required the standardization of time. Factories also made it possible for more people to do industrial work. At first this meant women. The workers in the early textile mills at Lowell, Massachusetts, for instance, were primarily young New England farm girls who worked for a few years in the mills before returning home to get married. Women were cheaper to employ, because it was assumed that they would not be a family’s sole bread-winner. At least this was the excuse for not paying them more at the time. I can’t remember what excuse we have now, but I’m sure it’s a great one. Anyway, all of this meant that the nature of work had changed. In colonial America, artisans worked for what they called their “price” which was linked to what they produced. In a factory however, workers were paid a “wage” according to the number of hours they worked regardless of how much they produced. This may not sound like a big deal, but working for wages, with one’s livelihood defined by a clock and the whims of an employer was a huge change and it undermined the idea of freedom that was supposedly the basis of America. Thomas Jefferson had worried that men working in factories, dependent upon their employers were inherently unfree and that this would make them unfit to be proper American citizens. And as it happens, many factory workers agreed with him. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So one reaction to the restrictions of the wage-worker was to engage in the great American pastime of lighting out for the territories. With less and less farmland available in New England, young men had been migrating west for decades and after the War of 1812 this flood of migration continued and even grew. Between 1790 and 1840, 4.5 million people crossed over the Appalachian mountains and six new states were created between 1815 and 1821. Ohio’s population grew from 231,000 in 1810 to over 2 million by 1850. People even took up the motto “Malaria Isn’t Going to Catch Itself” and moved to Florida, after we purchased it from Spain in 1819. Moving out west was a key aspect of American freedom and the first half of the 19th century became the age of “manifest destiny” the idea that it was a god given right of Americans to spread out over the North American continent. The term was coined by a New York journalist, John L. O’Sullivan, who wrote that the people living out west, i.e. the Native Americans must succumb to “our manifest destiny to overspread and to possess the whole of the continent which providence has given us for the development of the great experiment in liberty.” Stan, he actually wrote “overspread”! One thing I love about Providence is it has, like, a one hundred percent rate of givething unto us and takething away from them. One of the results of this migration was that it was really difficult for factory owners to find men who could work in their factories. First they looked to Yankee women to fill the factories, but increasingly those jobs were filled by immigrants. Fortunately, the U.S. had lots of immigrants, like the more than one million Irish people who came here fleeing poverty, especially after the potato famine of 1845-1851. Lastly, let’s turn to the intellectual responses to the market revolution. Oh, it’s time for the mystery document? The rules here are simple. If I fail to guess the author of the mystery document, I get shocked with the shock pen. And yes, this is a real shock pen! Lots of people are commenting saying I am faking the shocks. I am not faking the shocks! I am in the business of teaching you history, not in the business of faking pain. Alright, let’s do this thing. “They do not yet see, and thousands of young men as hopeful now crowding to the barriers of the career, do not yet see, that if the single man plant himself indomitably on his instincts, and there abide, the huge world will come round to him. Patience – patience; -- with the shades of all the good and great for company; and for solace the perspective of your own infinite life; and for work, the study and the communication of principles, the making those instincts prevalent, the conversion of the world. Is it not the chief disgrace in the world, not to be an unit; -- not to be reckoned one character; -- not to yield that peculiar fruit which each man was created to bear, but to be--” Oh God, Stan, I can’t bear it anymore. It’s Emerson. It’s definitely Emerson, it is unreadably Emerson. Indeed, the most linguistically convoluted of the transcendentalists, which is really saying something. Anyway, I don’t get punished, but I did kind of get half-punished because I had to read that. The transcendentalists, like Margaret Fuller, Henry David Thoreau, Walt Whitman, were trying to redefine freedom in a changing world. Work was increasingly regimented, factory workers were as interchangeable as the parts that they made, but the Transcendentalists argued that freedom resided in an individual’s power to re-make oneself, and maybe even the world. But, there would be a reaction to this in American literature as it became clear that escaping drudgery to reinvent yourself was no easy task for wage workers. So, the early 19th century saw a series of booms and busts sometimes called business cycles, and with those business cycles came a growing disparity in wealth. To protect their interests, workers began forming political organizations called Workingman’s Parties that eventually morphed into unions calling for higher wages and better working conditions. And we’ll have more to say about that in coming weeks, but for now it’s important to remember that as America grew more prosperous, many people –-women and especially slaves, but also free wage working men--recognized that the Market Revolution left them with much less freedom than they might have enjoyed fifty or a hundred years earlier. My favorite commentary on the market revolution actually comes from the author Herman Melville, in his short story Bartleby the Scrivener. Melville worked at the customs house in New York, so he knew all about world markets first hand. In Bartleby, he tells the story of a young clerk who works for a lawyer in New York City. Now, when you’re a farmer, your work has intrinsic meaning – when you work, you have food, and when you don’t work, you don’t. When you’re a copyist like Bartleby, it’s difficult to find meaning in what you do every day; you know that anyone else could do it, and you suspect that if your work doesn’t get done, it won’t actually matter very much. And in light of this, Bartleby just stops working, saying, “I prefer not” when asked, well, pretty much anything. Seeing his boss and society’s reaction to someone who simply doesn’t buy into the market economy is comic and then ultimately tragic, and it tells us a lot about the market revolution beyond the famous people and inventions and heroic individualism. Now, most people read Bartleby as an existentialist narrative, and it definitely is that, but for me the story’s subtitle proves that it’s also about the market economy. The full title of the story is: Bartleby the Scrivener: A story of Wall Street. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. The script supervisor is Meredith Danko. Our associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. If you have questions about today’s video, please ask them in comments where they will be answered by our team of historians. Also, suggest libertage captions. Thanks for watching Crash Course World History. If you enjoy Crash Course, make sure you’re subscribed and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. Just kidding! Thanks for watching Crash Course U.S. History. DFTBA. CCUS12 - Markets -

Process

Traditional commerce was made obsolete by improvements in transportation and communication. This change prompted the reinstatement of the mercantilist ideas that were thought to have died out. Increased industrialization was a major component of the Market Revolution as a result of the Industrial Revolution. Northern cities started to have a more powerful economy, while most southern cities (with the marked exception of free labor metropolises like St. Louis, Baltimore, and New Orleans) resisted the influence of market forces in favor of the region's slave system. It also was in part influenced by the need for national mobility, shown to be a problem during the War of 1812, after which the government increased production of early roads, extensive canals along navigable waterways, and later elaborate railroad networks.

Following the War of 1812, the American economy was altered from an economy dependent on imports from Europe to one that evolved greater internal production and commerce. In 1817 James Monroe replaced James Madison as president of the U.S.. The Democratic-Republicans continued policies begun in Hamiltons's administration. With a new generation of leaders, the Democratic-Republican Party came to embrace the principles of government activism and the development of large-scale domestic manufacturing. Despite all of the promises that characterized the United States, discrepancies loomed: the survival of slavery, treatment of the Native Americans, the deterioration of some urban areas, and a mania for speculation. The nation was not just growing through the addition of land, but population shifts brought about new states to the Union and when Missouri petitioned for statehood in 1819, the issue of slavery was thrust on the national agenda. Thomas Jefferson wrote that the issue awakened him "like a fire bell in the night."[2] That the Missouri question coincided with the nation's worst financial crisis awakened anxieties in many Americans. By the 1820s Americans recognized a rough regional specialization: plantation-style export agriculture in the south, a north built on business and trade, and a frontier west. The regions were interdependent but in time their differences would become more obvious, more important, and increasingly more incompatible.

The market revolution also brought about a change in industry and agriculture. Eli Whitney perfected a system of producing muskets with interchangeable parts. Prior to Whitney's invention, most muskets—and all other goods—had been handmade with parts specially designed for each particular musket. The trigger of one musket, for example, could not be used to replace a broken trigger on another musket. With interchangeable parts, however, all triggers fit the same model of the musket, as did all ramrods, all flash pans, all hammers, and all bullets. Manufacturers in many different industries soon took advantage of Whitney's invention to make a variety of goods with interchangeable parts.

Many new products revolutionized agriculture in the West. John Deere, for example, invented the horse-pulled steel plow to replace the difficult oxen-driven wooden plows that farmers had used for centuries. The steel plow allowed farmers to till soil faster and more cheaply without having to make repairs as often.

In the 1830s, Cyrus McCormick invented a mechanical mower-reaper that quintupled the efficiency of wheat farming. Prior to the mower-reaper, wheat farming had been too difficult, so farmers had instead produced corn, which was less profitable. As in the South after the cotton gin, farmers in the West raked in huge profits as they acquired more lands to plant more and more wheat. More important, farmers for the first time began producing more wheat than the West could consume. Rather than let it go to waste, they began to transport crop surpluses to sell in the manufacturing Northeast.[3]

The market revolution further exacerbated sectional tensions in the United States. As King Cotton became the primary crop in the South, the need for increase in labor arose; thus, the South increased its use of slaves in producing crops. The American North and Western European countries banned slavery in their countries/regions, and attempted to push the South to abolish slavery as well. The slave trade ended, but slavery did not end. As the textile industry in the North drastically increased, changing women and children's roles and further revolutionizing family structure, the demand for raw products such as cotton increased, meaning an increase in the South's demand for more labor. Ironically, this Northern demand for more cotton for the textile industry increased the Southern demand for slavery, making it harder for the North to end slavery in the South. This increase of labor and industry brought the United States into the world picture for economy and commerce, planting the seed for the United States to increase in wealth and power majority of the time.

Historiography

Sellers argued:

By the 1830s and 1840s, trade and specialization among the four port/hinterland regions were creating an integrated sectional market embracing the northeast as a whole. Meanwhile, commercial agriculture spread over the west and the south; and during the second half of the nineteenth century, the northeast market reached out to incorporate these sections into an integrated national market. By midcentury, capital and technology were converting enough central workshops into mechanized factories to convert the market revolution into a staggeringly productive industrial revolution.[4]

Sellers has explained his motivation for this interpretation:

As both citizen and historian, I took alarm when consensus historians armed the United States for Cold War by purging class from consciousness. Muffling exploitative capital in appealing democratic garb, their mythology of consensual democratic capitalism purged egalitarian meaning from democracy. I winced when Ronald Reagan evoked "democracy" against the Evil Empire though clearly meaning capitalism. I grieved when public discourse translated democracy into "freedom" ("liberty" in the academic mode)—typically meaning freedom to aggrandize yourself without any concern for people who lack the gumption, social advantages, or luck to do the same.[5]

Professor John Lauritz Larson has considered these transformations in his book, The Market Revolution in America: Liberty, Ambition, and the Eclipse of the Common Good.

At the end of its war for independence, the United States comprised thirteen separate provinces on the coast of North America. Nearly all of 3.9 million people made their living through agriculture while a small merchant class traded tobacco, timber, and foodstuffs for tropical goods, useful manufactures, and luxuries in the Atlantic community. By the time of the civil war, eight decades later, the United States sprawled across the North American continent. Nearly 32 million people labored not just on farms, but in shops and factories making iron and steel products, boots and shoes, textiles, paper, packaged foodstuffs, firearms, farm machinery, furniture, tools, and all sorts of housewares. Civil War-era Americans borrowed money from banks; bought insurance against fire, theft, shipwreck, commercial losses, and even premature death; traveled on steamboats and in railway carriages; and produced 2 to 3 billion of goods and services, including exports of 400 million. this dramatic transformation is what some historians of the U.S. call the market revolution.[6]

Historian Daniel Walker Howe challenges the Sellers' interpretation.[7] First, Howe points out that the market revolution happened much earlier, in the eighteenth century. Second, Howe thinks Sellers errs in emphasis arguing that because "most American family farmers welcomed the chance to buy and sell in larger markets", no one was mourning the end of traditionalism and regretting the rise of modernity.[8] The market revolution improved standards of living for most American farmers. For example, a mattress that cost fifty dollars in 1815 (which meant that almost no one owned one) cost five in 1848 (and everyone slept better). Finally, retorts Howe, the revolution that really mattered was the "communications revolution": the invention of the telegraph, the expansion of the postal system, improvements in printing technology, and the growth of the newspaper, magazine, and book-publishing industries, and the improvements in higher-speed transportation.[9]

In his debate with Sellers, Howe asks, "What if people really were benefiting in certain ways from the expansion of the market and its culture? What if they espoused middle-class tastes or evangelical religion or (even) Whig politics for rational and defensible reasons? What if the market was not an actor (as Sellers makes it) but a resource, an instrumentality, something created by human beings as a means to their ends?"[10] However, Sellers sums up the differences between his and Howe's arguments this way. Howe was proposing that the "Market delivers eager self-improvers from stifling Jacksonian barbarism" whereas he saw that a "Go-getter minority compels everybody else to play its competitive game of speedup and stretch-out or be run over."[11]

Howe has praised Larson's approach for rejecting Sellers' "villain":

Larson here redeems the term "market revolution" from the treatment accorded it by Charles Sellers ... Sellers reified the market revolution, making it an actor in his story—indeed, its villain. Sellers's wicked "Market" ruined the lives of happy subsistence farmers, forcing their sons and daughters to become a proletariat in the service of a repressive bourgeoisie. By contrast, Larson shows how the market revolution was made by the people themselves, bit by unwitting bit. His own stance toward this process is richly ironic and nuanced; he never fails to point out ambiguities and paradoxes.[12]

References

  1. ^ Charles Sellers (1992). The Market Revolution: Jacksonian America, 1815-1846. Oxford University Press. p. 5. ISBN 9780199762422.
  2. ^ "Fire bell in the night (Quotation)". Monticello.org. 1820. Retrieved 27 November 2022.
  3. ^ "The Pre-Civil War Era (1815–1850): The Market Revolution: 1793–1860".
  4. ^ Charles Sellers, The Market Revolution: Jacksonian America, 1815–1846
  5. ^ Sellers, "Capitalism and Democracy in American Historical Mythology," in Stokes and Conway, eds. The Market Revolution in America: Social, Political, and Religious Expressions, 1800–1880 (1996) pp. 312–13
  6. ^ John Lauritz Larson, The Market Revolution in America: Liberty, Ambition, and the Eclipse of the Common Good
  7. ^ Daniel Walker Howe, "Charles Sellers, the Market Revolution, and the Shaping of Identity in Whig-Jacksonian America". in Noll, ed. God and Mammon: Protestants, Money, and the Market: 1790–1860 (2001) pp. 54–74.
  8. ^ Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848 p. 5
  9. ^ This review of the Sellers/Howe dialogue, which goes back to at least 1994, is from Jill Lepore, "Vast Designs: How America Came of Age," The New Yorker, October 29, 2007; see p. 88 for quotations.
  10. ^ Howe, Charles Sellers, the Market Revolution, and the Shaping of Identity in Whig-Jacksonian America, p. 179
  11. ^ Sellers, "Capitalism and Democracy in American Historical Mythology", in Melvyn Stokes and Stephen Conway, eds. The Market Revolution in America: Social, Political, and Religious Expressions, 1800–1880 (1996) p. 314
  12. ^ Howe, "Review of Larson" 2011

Further reading

  • Eric Foner, Give Me Liberty! An American History, Norton Seagull Ed. 2005.
  • Howe, Daniel Walker. Review of Larson, The Market Revolution in America: Liberty, Ambition, and the Eclipse of the Common Good," Journal of the Early Republic (2011 31#3 pp. 520-523 | 10.1353/jer.2011.0048
  • Howe, Daniel Walker. "Charles Sellers, the Market Revolution, and the Shaping of Identity in Whig-Jacksonian America." in by Mark A. Noll, ed. God and Mammon: Protestants, Money, and the Market: 1790- 1860 (2001As) pp: 54-74.
  • Howe, Daniel Walker. What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848 (Oxford History of the United States, 2009)
  • Larson, John Lauritz. "The market revolution in early America: An introduction." OAH Magazine of History 19.3 (2005): 4-7.
  • Larson, John. "The Market Revolution." in Lacy K. Ford, ed., A Companion to the Civil War and Reconstruction (2008) pp: 41-59.
  • Larson, John Lauritz. The market revolution in America: liberty, ambition, and the eclipse of the common good (Cambridge University Press, 2009)
  • Sellers, Charles. The Market Revolution: Jacksonian America, 1815-1846 (1992)
  • Sellers, Charles. "Capitalism and Democracy in American Historical Mythology," in Melvyn Stokes and Stephen Conway, eds. The Market Revolution in America: Social, Political, and Religious Expressions, 1800-1880 (1996) pp 311-30
  • Stokes, Melvyn, and Stephen Conway, eds. The Market Revolution in America: Social, Political, and Religious Expressions, 1800-1880 (University of Virginia Press, 1996)
This page was last edited on 7 December 2023, at 14:10
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