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International Socialist Review (1900)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

International Socialist Review
The International Socialist Review was the voice of the Socialist Party's left wing. After 1908, it strongly supported the activities of the Industrial Workers of the World
FrequencyMonthly
PublisherCharles H. Kerr & Co.
First issueJuly 1900
Final issueFeb. 1918
CountryUnited States
Based inChicago, Illinois
LanguageEnglish

The International Socialist Review was a monthly magazine published in Chicago, Illinois by Charles H. Kerr & Co. from 1900 until 1918. The magazine was chiefly a Marxist theoretical journal during its first years under the editorship of A.M. Simons. Beginning in 1908 the publication took a turn to the left with publisher Charles H. Kerr taking over the main editorial task. The later Review (as it was called by its contemporaries) featured heavy use of photographic illustration on glossy paper and mixed news of the contemporary labor movement with its typical theoretical fare.

Loyal to the Socialist Party of America throughout the entire course of its existence, the International Socialist Review after 1908 was recognized as one of the primary voices of the party's left wing. It defended the concept of revolutionary socialism against those who would reduce the Socialist Party to a party of ameliorative reform, expounded upon the syndicalist ideas of the revolutionary industrial union known as the Industrial Workers of the World, consistently fought against the expansion of militarism being pushed forward by the so-called "Preparedness" movement, and provided a vehicle for the leaders of the Zimmerwald Left to relay their ideas to an American audience.

After American intervention in the European World War in 1917, the International Socialist Review came under increasing pressure from the U.S. Post Office Department and United States Department of Justice. Its loss of mailing privileges at the hands of the Wilson administration's Postmaster General, Albert S. Burleson in 1917 sounded the death knell for the publication. The magazine died early in 1918, chiefly due to this government pressure. A brief attempt to revive the publication as The Labor Scrapbook under the editorship of Mary Marcy, Kerr's chief lieutenant, proved unsuccessful in 1918.

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today we’re going to talk about capitalism. [off we go then!] Yeah, Mr. Green, capitalism just turns men into wolves. Your purportedly free markets only make slaves of us all. Oh, God, Stan, it’s Me from College. Me from the Past has become Me from College. This is a disaster. The reason he’s so unbearable, Stan, is that he refuses to recognize the legitimacy of other people’s narratives and that means that he will never, ever be able to have a productive conversation with another human in his entire life. [harsh much, Mr. Green?] So, listen, Me from the Past, I’m going to disappoint you by being too capitalist. And I’m going to disappoint a lot of other people by not being capitalist enough. [100% guaranteed] And, I’m going to disappoint the historians by not using enough jargon. [and Stan. Stan loves jargon] But, what can I do? We only have 12 minutes. [ish] Fortunately capitalism is all about efficiency so let’s do this, Me from College. Randy Riggs becomes a bestselling author; [I love pictures & the word peculiar] Josh Radnor stars in a great sitcom; [Ted Mosby is super Rad(nor), Josh] it is NOT GOING TO WORK OUT with Emily, and DO NOT go to Alaska with a girl you’ve known for 10 days. [Shenanigans?] OKAY, LET’S TALK CAPITALISM. [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] So, capitalism is an economic system, but it’s also a cultural system. It’s characterized by innovation and investment to increase wealth. But today we’re going to focus on production and how industrial capitalism changed it. Stan, I can’t wear these emblems of the bourgeoisie while Karl Marx himself is looking at me. It’s ridiculous. I’m changing. Very hard to take off a shirt dramatically. [or unsuggestively] So let’s say it’s 1,200 CE and you’re a rug merchant. Just like merchants today, you sometimes need to borrow money in order to buy the rugs you want to resell at a profit, and then you pay that money back, often with interest, once you’ve resold the rugs. This is called mercantile capitalism, and it was a global phenomenon, from the Chinese to the Indian Ocean trade network to Muslim merchants who would sponsor trade caravans across the Sahara. But by the 17th century, merchants in the Netherlands and in Britain had expanded upon this idea to create joint stock companies. Those companies could finance bigger trade missions and also spread the risk of international trade. But the thing about international trade is sometimes boats sink or they get taken by pirates, [Aaarrr!] and while that’s bad if you’re a sailor because, you know, you lose your life, it’s really bad if you’re a mercantile capitalist because you lost all your money. But if you own one tenth of ten boats, your risk is much better managed. [but is mischief managed?] That kind of investment definitely increased wealth, but it only affected a sliver of the population, and it didn’t create a culture of capitalism. Industrial Capitalism was something altogether different, both in scale and in practice. Let’s use Joyce Appleby’s definition of industrial capitalism: "An economic system that relies on investment of capital in machines and technology that are used to increase production of marketable goods.” So, imagine that someone made a Stan Machine. [lots of Stantastic possibilities there] By the way, Stan, this is a remarkable likeness. And that Stan Machine could produce and direct ten times more episodes of Crash Course than a human Stan. [not super sure Stan's not a robot, btw] Well, of course, even if there are significant upfront costs, I’m going to invest in a Stan Machine, so I can start cranking out ten times the knowledge. Stan, are you focusing on the robot instead of me? I am the star of the show! [sounds like unemployment, Stanimal] Stan Bot, you’re going behind the globe. So, when most of us think of capitalism, especially when we think about its downsides (long hours, low wages, miserable working conditions, child labor, unemployed Stans) [doing yo-yo tricks on the Indy streets] that’s what we’re thinking about. Now admittedly this is just one definition of industrial capitalism among many, but it’s the definition we’re going with. Alright, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Industrial capitalism developed first in Britain in the 19th century. Britain had a bunch of advantages: It was the dominant power on the seas and it was making good money off of trade with its colonies, including the slave trade. Also, the growth of capitalism was helped by the half-century of civil unrest that resulted from the 17th century English Civil War. Now, I’m not advocating for civil wars or anything, but in this particular case it was useful, because before the war the British crown had put a lot of regulations on the economy— complicated licenses, royal monopolies, etc. —but during the turmoil, it couldn’t enforce them, which made for freer markets. Another factor was a remarkable increase in agricultural productivity in the 16th century. As food prices started to rise, it became profitable for farmers, both large and small, to invest in agricultural technologies that would improve crop yields. Those higher prices for grain probably resulted from population growth, which in turn was encouraged by increased production of food crops. A number of these agricultural improvements came from the Dutch, who had chronic problems feeding themselves and discovered that planting different kinds of crops, like clover that added nitrogen to the soil and could be used to feed livestock at the same time, meant that more fields could be used at once. This increased productivity eventually brought down prices, and this encouraged further innovation in order to increase yield to make up for the drop in prices. Lower food prices had an added benefit – since food cost less and wages in England remained high, workers would have more disposable income, which meant that if there were consumer goods available, they would be consumed, which incentivized people to make consumer goods more efficiently, and therefore more cheaply. You can see how this positive feedback loop leads to more food and more stuff, culminating in a world where people have so much stuff that we must rent space to store it, and so much food that obesity has become a bigger killer than starvation. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So this increased productivity also meant that fewer people needed to work in agriculture in order to feed the population. To put this in perspective, in 1520, 80% of the English population worked the land. By 1800, only 36% of adult male laborers were working in agriculture, and by 1850, that percentage had dropped to 25. This meant that when the factories started humming, there were plenty of workers to hum along with them. [humming < obnoxious than whistling] Especially child laborers. So far all this sounds pretty good, right? I mean, except for the child labor. Who wouldn’t want more, cheaper food? Yeah, well, not so fast. One of the ways the British achieved all this agricultural productivity was through the process of enclosure. Whereby landlords would re-claim and privatize fields that for centuries had been held in common by multiple tenants. [they busted up hippie communes?] This increased agricultural productivity, but it also impoverished many tenant farmers, many of whom lost their livelihoods. Okay, for our purposes, capitalism is also a cultural system, rooted in the need of private investors to turn a profit. So the real change needed here was a change of mind. People had to develop the capitalist values of taking risks and appreciating innovation. And they had to come to believe that making an upfront investment in something like a Stan Machine [silent mode not optional] could pay for itself and then some. One of the reasons that these values developed in Britain was that the people who initially held them were really good at publicizing them. Writers like Thomas Mun, who worked for the English East India Company, exposed people to the idea that the economy was controlled by markets. And, other writers popularized the idea that it was human nature for individuals to participate in markets as rational actors. Even our language changed: the word “individuals” did not apply to persons until the 17th century. And in the 18th century, a “career” still referred only to horses’ racing lives. Perhaps the most important idea that was popularized in England [other than safety pin accessories later) was that men and women were consumers as well as producers and that this was actually a good thing because the desire to consume manufactured goods could spur economic growth. “The main spur to trade, or rather to industry and ingenuity, is the exorbitant appetite of men, which they will take pain to gratify,” So wrote John Cary, one of capitalism’s cheerleaders, in 1695. And in talking about our appetite, he wasn’t just talking about food. That doesn’t seem radical now, but it sure did back then. So here in the 21st century, it’s clear that industrial capitalism— at least for now— has won. Sorry, buddy. But, you know, you gave it a good run. You didn’t know about Stalin. [or the bright future of manscaping] But capitalism isn’t without its problems, or its critics, ["haters" in the parlance of our times] and there were certainly lots of shortcomings to industrial capitalism in the 19th century. Working conditions were awful. Days were long, arduous, and monotonous. Workers lived in conditions that people living in the developed world today would associate with abject poverty. One way that workers responded to these conditions was by organizing into labor unions. Another response was in many cases purely theoretical: socialism, [gasp, clutch the pearls] most famously Marxian socialism. I should probably point out here that socialism is an imperfect opposite to capitalism, even though the two are often juxtaposed. [consider that before commenting maybe?] Capitalism’s defenders like to point out that it’s “natural,” meaning that if left to our own devices, humans would construct economic relationships that resemble capitalism. Socialism, at least in its modern incarnations, makes fewer pretenses towards being an expression of human nature; it’s the result of human choice and human planning. So, socialism, as an intellectual construct, began in France. [he spins the whole world in his hand] How’d I do, Stan? Mm, in the border between Egypt and Libya. There were two branches of socialism in France, utopian and revolutionary. Utopian socialism is often associated with Comte de Saint Simon and Charles Fourier, both of whom rejected revolutionary action after having seen the disaster of the French Revolution. Both were critical of capitalism and while Fourier is usually a punchline in history classes because he believed that, in his ideal socialist world, the seas would turn to lemonade, [wut] he was right that human beings have desires that go beyond basic self interest, and that we aren’t always economically rational actors. [truth] The other French socialists were the revolutionaries, and they saw the French Revolution, even its violence, in a much more positive light. [Vive Goddard!] The most important of these revolutionaries was Auguste Blanqui, and we associate a lot of his ideas with communism, which is a term that he used. Like the utopians, he criticized capitalism, but he believed that it could only be overthrown through violent revolution by the working classes. However, while Blanqui thought that the workers would come to dominate a communist world, he was an elitist. [by which you mean an arugula eater?] And he believed that workers on their own could never, on their own, overcome their superstitions and their prejudices in order to throw off bourgeois oppression. [interesting] And that brings us to Karl Marx, whose ideas and beard cast a shadow over most of the 20th century. Oh, it’s time for the Open Letter? [roll all you want, i'm not looking] [aloha miss hand] An Open Letter to Karl Marx’s Beard. But, first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, robots. Stan Bots! Two Stan Bots, one of them female! [a featured female, on Crash Course? ha] now I own all the means of production. [no evil laugh and/or mustache twisting?] You’re officially useless to me, Stan. Now, turn the camera off. Turn the ca-- I’m going to have to get up and turn the camera off? Stan Bot, go turn the camera off. Hey there, Karl Marx’s beard. Wow, you are intense. [and probably pretty grody] Karl Marx, these days there are a lot of young men who think beards are cool. Beard lovers, if you will. [beardos] Those aren’t beards, those are glorified milk mustaches. I mean, I haven’t shaved for a couple weeks, Karl Marx, but I’m not claiming a beard. [nothing a solid scrubbing couldn't fix?] You don’t get a beard by being lazy, you get a beard by being a committed revolutionary. That’s why hardcore Marxists are literally known as “Bearded Marxists.” [not to be confused w/ "Mulleted Marxists" from the 80's] These days, that’s an insult. But you know what, Karl Marx, when I look back at history, I prefer the bearded communists. Let’s talk about some communists who didn’t have beards: Mao Zedong, Pol Pot, Kim Jong-il, Joseph freakin’ Stalin with his face caterpillar. So, yeah, Karl Marx’s beard, it’s my great regret to inform you that there are some paltry beards trying to take up the class struggle these days. Best Wishes, John Green Although he’s often considered the father of communism, because he co-wrote The Communist Manifesto, Marx was above all a philosopher and a historian. It’s just that, unlike many philosophers and historians, he advocated for revolution. His greatest work, Das Kapital, sets out to explain the world of the 19th century in historical and philosophical terms. Marx’s thinking is deep and dense and we’re low on time, but I want to introduce one of his ideas, that of class struggle. [yeah buddy, here we go] So, for Marx, the focus isn’t on the class, it’s on the struggle. Basically Marx believed that classes don’t only struggle to make history, but that the struggle is what makes classes into themselves. The idea is that through conflict, classes develop a sense of themselves, and without conflict, there is no such thing as class consciousness. So, Marx was writing in 19th century England and there were two classes that mattered: the workers and the capitalists. The capitalists owned most of the factors of production (in this case, land and the capital to invest in factories). The workers just had their labor. So, the class struggle here is between capitalists, who want labor at the lowest possible price, and the workers who want to be paid as much as possible for their work. There are two key ideas that underlie this theory of class struggle. First, Marx believed that “production,” or work, was the thing that gave life material meaning. Second, is that we are by nature social [St]animals. We work together, we collaborate, we are more efficient when we share resources. Marx’s criticism of capitalism is that capitalism replaces this egalitarian collaboration with conflict. And that means that it isn’t a natural system after all. And by arguing that capitalism actually isn’t consistent with human nature, Marx sought to empower the workers. That’s a lot more attractive than Blanqui’s elitist socialism, and while purportedly Marxist states like the USSR usually abandon worker empowerment pretty quickly, the idea of protecting our collective interest remains powerful. That’s where we’ll have to leave it for now, lest I start reading from The Communist Manifesto. [noooooo!] But, ultimately socialism has not succeeded in supplanting capitalism, as its proponents had hoped. In the United States, at least, “socialism” has become something of a dirty word. So, industrial capitalism certainly seems to have won out, and in terms of material well being and access to goods and services for people around the world, that’s probably a good thing. Ugh, you keep falling over. You’re a great bit, but a very flimsy one. Actually, come to think of it, you’re more of an 8-bit. [haha… um, crickets] But how and to what extent we use socialist principles to regulate free markets remains an open question, and one that is answered very differently in, say, Sweden than in the United States. [lingonberries & Skarsgards pwn] And this, I would argue, is where Marx still matters. Is capitalist competition natural and good, or should there be systems in place to check it for the sake of our collective well-being? Should we band together to provide health care for the sick, [and that's Jenga] or pensions for the old? Should government run businesses, and if so, which ones? The mail delivery business? [stamps are awesome.<3 you USPS] The airport security business? The education business? Those are the places where industrial capitalism and socialism are still competing. And in that sense, at least, the struggle continues. Thanks for watching, I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer and myself. We’re ably interned by Meredith Danko. And our graphics team is Thought Bubble. Last week’s phrase of the week was “the TARDIS,” so you can stop suggesting that now! If you want to suggest future phrases of the week or guess at this week’s, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course, and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget You are my density. Alright, Stan, bring the movie magic... Yes! [outro] [outro]

Publication history

Simons period (1900–1908)

Algie M. Simons, a graduate of the University of Wisconsin, was the first editor of the International Socialist Review.

International Socialist Review was edited from 1900 to 1908 by Algie M. Simons, formerly of Wisconsin. Under Simons, the magazine served as a sounding board for various theoretical questions which were dividing the socialist movement.[1] The magazine gave particular attention to the role of the socialist movement towards the American farmer, an issue held near and dear both by editor Simons (author of a 1902 book on the topic) as well as by J.A. Wayland of the Appeal to Reason, the largest circulation socialist newspaper of its era.[1]

The tone of the early Review was temperate and the policies advocated modest. The publication was fully reflective of what one historian has called "the rather moderate social-democratic perspective of Simons and other Socialists of the 'Center.'"[2]

From its beginnings in the summer of 1900, the publication managed to achieve a modest circulation of about 4,000, about three-quarters of which obtained the publication by mail rather than via sales at newsstands or via bundle orders by local socialist organizations.[2]

Post-Simons period (1908–1918)

Due to a disagreement over fundamental principles, with Simons' views becoming steadily more moderate while those of his employer became increasingly radical, publisher Charles H. Kerr fired editor Simons in 1908.[1] Kerr worked to make the previously dry and academic publication into what he called "the fighting magazine of socialism," making use of dramatic photography in telling the story of contemporary labor struggles against the forces of capitalism. As historian Allen Ruff notes, the revitalized Review took a very different form than its predecessor:

Mary Marcy played a leading role in establishing the tone and content of the Review after the departure of Algie Simons.

"Liberally illustrated with 'action fotos' and original graphics, the revamped ISR carried firsthand reports of major strikes, lockouts, organizing drives, and employers' offensives as well as theoretical and political discussions. Kerr's work with longtime associates Mary and Leslie Marcy and an editorial board including left-wingers William D. "Big Bill" Haywood, Frank Bohn, and poet/illustrator Ralph Chaplin raised the Review's circulation from nearly 6,000 in 1908 to over 40,000 by 1911."[1]

The Review soon became the major organ of the "left wing" of the Socialist Party, which was critical of what it perceived to be an obsession of many national figures in the party with ameliorative reform.[3] The circulation and influence of the Review was further enhanced with the 1910 termination of The Socialist, a weekly newspaper published in Seattle, Washington by Hermon F. Titus which had gained national attention and readership as a left wing voice. By July 1910, the monthly circulation of the Review had grown to 27,000 copies.[3]

The moderate wing of the Socialist Party was at times sharply critical of The International Socialist Review. Writer Robert Hunter declared in 1911 of the Review:

"It has sneered at Political Action, advocated rival unionism, and vacillated between Anarchism and Proudhonism. The constant emphasis The Review lays on Direct Action and its apparent faith that a revolution can be evoked by Will or Force is in direct opposition to our whole philosophy."[4]

The Review was, in fact, very sympathetic to the Industrial Workers of the World, a revolutionary industrial union which sought to unite all workers regardless of race, craft, or skill under the umbrella of "One Big Union" with a view to the overthrow of the wage system and its replacement with decision-making by economic units established by the workers themselves (syndicalism).

Prominent staff members

Index of volumes

Volume First issue Last issue Editor Online availability
1 July 1900 June 1901 Simons Archive.org
2 July 1901 June 1902 Simons Archive.org
3 July 1902 June 1903 Simons Archive.org
4 July 1903 June 1904 Simons Archive.org
5 July 1904 June 1905 Simons Archive.org
6 July 1905 June 1906 Simons Archive.org
7 July 1906 June 1907 Simons Archive.org
8 July 1907 June 1908 Simons/Kerr Archive.org
9 July 1908 June 1909 Kerr Archive.org
10 July 1909 June 1910 Kerr Archive.org
11 July 1910 June 1911 Kerr Archive.org
12 July 1911 June 1912 Kerr Archive.org
13 July 1912 June 1913 Kerr Archive.org
14 July 1913 June 1914 Kerr Archive.org
15 July 1914 June 1915 Kerr Archive.org
16 July 1915 June 1916 Kerr Archive.org
17 July 1916 June 1917 Kerr Archive.org
18 July 1917 February 1918 Kerr Archive.org

References

  1. ^ a b c d Allen Ruff, International Socialist Review, in Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, and Dan Georgakas (eds,), Encyclopedia of the American Left. First Edition, New York: Garland Publishing, 1990; pp. 374-375.
  2. ^ a b Herbert G. Gutman, "The International Socialist Review: Chicago, 1900-1918," in Joseph R. Conlin (ed.), The Radical Press in America, 1880-1960. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1974; vol. 1, pg. 82.
  3. ^ a b Gutman, The International Socialist Review, vol. 1, pg. 83.
  4. ^ Quoted by Gutman, The International Socialist Review, vol. 1, pg. 83.

Further reading

  • Allen Ruff, "We Called Each Other Comrade": Charles H. Kerr & Co., Radical Publishers. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997.

External sources

This page was last edited on 15 December 2023, at 18:16
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