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Inequality within immigrant families in the United States

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

In the United States, members of the same immigrant family often have differing access to resources. Much literature focuses on inequality between families, but inequality often exists within families as well. Though within-family inequality is not unique to immigrant families, the processes of migration and assimilation into American society provide new channels through which such inequality may emerge.

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Transcription

Episode 25: Immigrant Cities Hi, I’m John Green, this is CrashCourse U.S. History and today we’re going to continue our extensive look at American capitalism. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, I’m sorry are you saying that I grow up to be a tool of the bourgeoisie… Oh not just a tool of the bourgeoise, Me from the Past, but a card-carrying member of it. I mean, you have employees whose labor you can exploit because you own the means of production, which in your case includes a chalkboard, a video camera, a desk, and a xenophobic globe. Meanwhile Stan, Danica, Raoul, and Meredith toil in crushing poverty--STAN, DID YOU WRITE THIS PART? THESE ARE ALL LIES. CUE THE INTRO. intro So, last week we saw how commercial farming transformed the American west and gave us mythical cowboys and unfortunately not-so-mythical Indian reservations. Today we leave the sticks and head for the cities--as so many Americans and immigrants have done throughout this nation’s history. I mean we may like to imagine that the history of America is all “Go west young man,” but in fact from Mark Twain to pretty much every hipster in Brooklyn, it’s the opposite. So, population was growing everywhere in America after 1850. Following a major economic downturn in the 1890s, farm prices made a comeback, and that drew more and more people out west to take part in what would eventually be called agriculture’s golden age. Although to be fair agriculture’s real golden age was in like 3000 BCE when Mesopotamians were like, “Dude, if we planted these in rows, we could have MORE OF IT THAN WE CAN EAT.” So it was really more of a second golden age. But anyway, more than a million land claims were filed under the Homestead Act in the 1890s. And between 1900 and 1910 the populations of Texas and Oklahoma together increased by almost 2 million people. And another 800,000 moved into Kansas, the Dakotas, and Nebraska. That’s right. People moved to Nebraska. Sorry, I just hadn’t yet offended Nebraskans. I’m looking to get through the list before the end of the year. But one of the central reasons that so many people moved out west was that the demand for agricultural products was increasing due to … the growth of cities. In 1880, 20% of the American population lived in cities and there were 12 cities with a population over 100,000 people. This rose to 18 cities in 1900 with the percentage of urban dwellers rising to 38%. And by 1920, 68% of Americans lived in cities and 26 cities had a population over 100,000. So in the 40 years around the turn of the 20th century, America became the world’s largest industrial power and went from being predominantly rural to largely urban. This is, to use a technical historian term, a really big deal. Because it didn’t just make cities possible, but also their products. It’s no coincidence that while all this was happening, we were getting cool stuff like electric lights and moving picture cameras. Neither of which were invented by Thomas Edison. I don’t know if you’ve noticed, but suddenly there are a lot more photographs in Crash Course U.S. History b-roll. So the city leading the way in this urban growth was New York, especially after Manhattan was consolidated with Brooklyn (and the Bronx, Queens and Staten Island) in 1898. At the turn of the century, the population of the 23 square miles of Manhattan Island was over 2 million and the combined 5 boroughs had a population over 4 million. But, while New York gets most of the attention in this time period, and all time periods since, it wasn’t alone in experiencing massive growth. Like, my old hometown of Chicago, after basically burning to the ground in 1871, became the second largest city in America by the 1890s. Also, they reversed the flow of the freaking Chicago River. Probably the second most impressive feat in Chicago at the time. The first being that the Cubs won two World Series. Even though I’m sorely tempted to chalk up the growth of these metropolises to a combination of better nutrition and a rise in skoodilypooping, I’m going to have to bow to stupid historical accuracy and tell you that much of the growth had to do with the phenomenon that this period is most known for: immigration. Of course, by the end of the 19th century, immigration was not a new phenomenon in the United States. After the first wave of colonization by English people, and Spanish people, and other Europeans, there was a new wave of Scandinavians, French people, and especially the Irish. Most of you probably know about the potato famine of the 1840s that led a million Irish men and women to flee. If you don’t know about it, it was awful. And the second largest wave of immigrants was made up of German speakers, including a number of liberals who left after the abortive revolutions of 1848. Alright, let’s go to the ThoughtBubble. The Irish had primarily been farmers in the motherland, but in America, they tended to stay in cities, like New York and Boston. Most of the men began their working lives as low-wage unskilled laborers, but over time they came to have much more varied job opportunities. Irish immigrant women worked too, some in factories or as domestic servants in the homes of the growing upper class. Many women actually preferred the freedom that factory labor provided and one Irish factory woman compared her life to that of a servant by saying: “Our day is ten hours long, but when it’s done, it’s done, and we can do what we like with the evenings. That’s what I’ve heard from every nice girl that’s tried service. You’re never sure that your soul is your own except when you’re out of the house.” [1] Most German speakers had been farmers in their home countries and would remain farmers in the U.S., but a number of skilled artisans also came. They tended to stay in cities and make a go of entrepreneurship. Bismarck himself saw emigration from Germany as a good thing saying, “The better it goes for us, the higher the volume of emigration.”[2] And that’s why we named a city in North Dakota after him. Although enough German immigrants came to New York that the lower east side of Manhattan came to be known for a time as Kleindeutschland (little Germany), many moved to the growing cities of the Midwest like Cincinnati and St. Louis. Some of the most famous German immigrants became brewers, and America is much richer for the arrival of men like Frederick Pabst, Joseph Schlitz, and Adolphus Busch. And by richer, I mean more drunker. Hey. Thanks for not ending on a downer, Thought Bubble. I mean, unless you count alcoholism. So but by the 1890s, over half of the 3.5 million immigrants who came to our shores came from southern and eastern Europe, in particular Italy and the Russian and Austro Hungarian empires. They were more likely than previous immigrants to be Jewish or Catholic, and while almost all of them were looking for work, many were also escaping political or religious persecution. And by the 1890s they also had to face new “scientific” theories, which I’m putting in air quotes to be clear because there was nothing scientific about them, which consigned them to different “races” whose low level of civilization was fit only for certain kinds of work and predisposed them to criminality. The Immigration Restriction League was founded in Boston in 1894 and lobbied for national legislation that would limit the numbers of immigrants, and one such law even passed Congress in 1897 only to be vetoed by President Grover Cleveland. Good work, Grover! You know, his first name was Stephen, but he called himself Grover. I would have made a different choice. But before you get too excited about Grover Cleveland, Congress and the President were able to agree on one group of immigrants to discriminate against: the Chinese. Chinese immigrants, overwhelmingly male, had been coming to the United States, mostly to the West, since the 1850s to work in mines and on the railroads. They were viewed with suspicion because they looked different, spoke a different language, and they had “strange” habits, like regular bathing. By the time the Chinese Exclusion Act went into effect in 1882 there were 105,000 people of Chinese descent living in the United States, mainly in cities on the West Coast. San Francisco refused to educate Asians until the state Supreme Court ordered them to do so and even then the city responded by setting up segregated schools. The immigrants fought back through the courts. In 1886, in the case of Yick Wo v. Hopkins the United States Supreme court ordered San Francisco to grant Chinese-operated laundries licenses to operate. Then in 1898 in United States v. Wong Kim Ark, the Court ruled that American born children of Chinese immigrants were entitled to citizenship under the 14th Amendment, which should have been a duh but wasn’t. We’ve been hard on the Supreme Court here at Crash Course, but those were two good decisions. You go, Supreme Court! But despite these victories Asian immigrants continued to face discrimination in the form of vigilante-led riots like the one in Rock Springs, Wyoming that killed 26 people, and congressionally approved restrictions, many of which the Supreme Court did uphold, so meh. Also it’s important to remember that this large-scale immigration--and the fear of it--was part of a global phenomenon. At its peak between 1901 and the outbreak of World War 1 in 1914, 13 million immigrants came to the United States. In the entire period touched off by the industrialization from 1840 until 1914, a total of 40 million people came to the U.S. But at least 20 million people emigrated to other parts of the Western Hemisphere, including Brazil, the Caribbean, Canada (yes, Canada) and Argentina. As much as we have Italian immigrants to thank for things like pizza (and we do thank you), Argentina can be just as grateful for the immigrant ancestors of Leo Messi. Also the Pope, although he has never once won La Liga. And there was also extensive immigration from India to other parts of the British Empire like South Africa; Chinese immigration to South America and the Caribbean; I mean, the list goes on and on. In short, America is not as special as it fancies itself. Oh it’s time for the Mystery Document? The rules are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document. I get it wrong and then I get shocked with the shock pen. Sorry I don’t mean to sound defeatist, but I don’t have a good feeling about this. Alright. “The figure that challenged attention to the group was the tall, straight, father, with his earnest face and fine forehead, nervous hands eloquent in gesture, and a voice full of feeling. This foreigner, who brought his children to school as if it were an act of consecration, who regarded the teacher of the primer class with reverence, who spoke of visions, like a man inspired, in a common classroom...I think Miss Nixon guessed what my father’s best English could not convey. I think she divined that by the simple act of delivering our school certificates to her he took possession of America.”[3] Uhh, I don’t know. At first I thought it might be someone who worked with immigrants, like Jane Addams, but then at the end suddenly it’s her own father. Jane Addams’s father was not an immigrant. Mary Antin? Does she even have a Wikipedia page?! She does? Did you write it, Stan? Stan wrote her Wikipedia page. AH. So, this document, while it was written by someone who should not have a Wikipedia page, points out that most immigrants to America were coming for the most obvious reason: opportunity. Industrialization, both in manufacturing and agriculture, meant that there were jobs in America. There was so much work, in fact, that companies used labor recruiters who went to Europe to advertise opportunities. Plus, the passage was relatively cheap, provided you were only going to make it once in your life, and it was fast, taking only 8 to 12 days on the new steam powered ships. The Lower East Side of Manhattan became the magnet for waves of immigrants, first Germans then Eastern European Jews and Italians, who tended to re-create towns and neighborhoods within blocks and sometimes single buildings. Tenements, these 4, 5 and 6 story buildings that were designed to be apartments, sprang up in the second half of the 19th century and the earliest ones were so unsanitary and crowded that the city passed laws requiring a minimum of light and ventilation. And often these tenement apartments doubled as workspaces because many immigrant women and children took in piecework, especially in the garment industry. Despite laws mandating the occasional window and outlawing the presence of cows on public streets, conditions in these cities were pretty bad. Things got better with the construction of elevated railroads and later subways that helped relieve traffic congestion but they created a new problem: pickpockets. “Pickpockets take advantage of the confusion to ply their vocation… The foul, close, heated air is poisonous. A healthy person cannot ride a dozen blocks without a headache.” So that’s changed! This new transportation technology also enabled a greater degree of residential segregation in cities. Manhattan’s downtown area had at one time housed the very rich as well as the very poor but improved transportation meant that people no longer had to live and work in the same place. The wealthiest, like Cornelius Vanderbilt and J.P. Morgan, constructed lavish palaces for themselves and uptown townhouses were common.[4][5] But until then, one of the most notable feature of gilded age cities like New York was that the rich and the poor lived in such close proximity to each other. And this meant that with America’s growing urbanization, the growing distance between rich and poor was visible to both rich and poor. And much as we see in today’s megacity, this inability to look away from poverty and economic inequality became a source of concern. Now one way to alleviate concern is to create suburbs so you don’t have to look at poor people, but another response to urban problems was politics, which in cities like New York, became something of a contact sport. Another response was the so-called progressive reform movement. And in all these responses and in the issues that prompted them – urbanization, mechanization, capitalism, the distribution of resources throughout the social order -- we can see modern industrial America taking shape. And that is the America we live in today. Thank you for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. The script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The show is written by my history teacher, Raoul Meyer, Rosianna Halse Rojas, and myself. Our associate producer is Danica Johnson. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Every week, there’s a new caption for the libertage. If you’d like to suggest one, you can do so in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. Immigrant Cities - ________________ [1] Quoted in H.W. Brands, American Colossus: The Triumph of Capitalism 1865-1900. p. 265. [2] Ibid p. 267 [3] Quoted in Brands, American Colossus, p. 324 [4] Ibid p. 315 [5] quoted in Brands, American Colossus p. 320

Legal status

Immigrants to the United States vary widely in terms of their citizenship status. Some immigrants may lack documentation altogether. An individual's legal status in the United States determines many of the resources available to him or her. Legal status can thus provide the basis for many inequalities in the home.

Mixed-status families

The Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution guarantees citizenship status to anyone born on United States soil "and subject to the jurisdiction thereof".[1] This means that, regardless of parents' citizenship status, their children who are born in the United States are full citizens and are eligible for the rights and privileges that such status confers; this is called a mixed immigrant status family. Thus, within mixed-status families are a range of documentation patterns involving siblings: some born in the U.S. with birthright citizenship, some in the process of attempting to obtain documentation, and some fully undocumented.[2]

U.S. immigration policies shape the opportunities for 16.6 million mixed immigrant families.[3] The experiences of mixed immigrant status families need to be in sharper focus, especially the effects on children growing up in these families. There are an estimated 5.5 million children with unauthorized immigrant parents, about three-quarters of whom are U.S. born citizens.[4] The nature of immigration policy dehumanizes individuals in mixed status families through practices that threat and harm, such as deportation procedures, which is when a migrant is formally removed from the United States and is banned from reentering. Immigration policies and practices do not only affect the undocumented population itself. However, U.S. born children growing up in families where there are undocumented members living are negatively impacted by these policies.

Children living in mixed immigration status households live with fear of deportation threats of parents or themselves. They often feel scared, sad and worried about possible separation. This can be traumatic and have negative effects on the children's well-being. As a result, children may interpret their reality as depriving and cruel. They may process their experiences with a consciousness that mirrors that of their undocumented parents, even though many are U.S. born citizens with all of the benefits rights, and privileges that U.S. citizenship carries.

Immigrant children—defined as those children under age eighteen who are either foreign-born or U.S.-born to immigrant parents—now account for one-fourth of the nation's 75 million children. By 2050 they are projected to make up one-third of more than 100 million U.S. children.[5] This highlights that children of immigrants in mixed status families are growing in the United States. Therefore, it is of high importance to understand their experiences in this country and the impact that a mixed status has on the children growing up in these families facing unique needs and challenges. Mixed immigrant families' rights are being violated. When there is family separation through immigration practices, children in mixed status household are denied the right to grow up with their families. They are dehumanized, based on status of their parents.

Legal status can thus lead to a restructuring of traditional family roles. Family members who may have previously been the primary breadwinners in the country of origin may be unable to find gainful employment due to their undocumented status.[6] Family members who are legal citizens and thus have access to a wider range of employment opportunities may therefore hold a greater measure of power within the family. When these family members are children, who might traditionally be expected to defer to their elders, such an imbalance in legal status may create an upheaval in the traditional familial relations.

Such unequal access to resources can create a power imbalance between family members who have citizenship status and those who do not. An individual's legal status may be used to keep him or her subjugated within the home and, in extreme cases, may prevent him or her from leaving an abusive situation.[7][8]

Access to resources

Individuals who hold legal status in the United States enjoy many advantages over those who do not. Differences in legal status are also associated with differing access to various resources such as employment opportunities, as well as a host of social benefits. In addition, children in mixed-status families are at-risk and precisely the types of clients targeted by many social services, social workers, and public health organizations. For example, Hispanics in general are less likely to be insured, within the pan-ethnic Hispanic population, immigrants without legal authorization are less likely to have employer coverage and are currently excluded from purchasing coverage from the federal exchange in the Affordable Care Act.

Employment opportunities

Even when undocumented individuals are employed, their positions are often precarious. Approximately 40% of immigrant workers in low-wage jobs are undocumented.[9][10] A lack of formal documentation means that many of these individuals must find work in the informal economy where there is a lack of protection for worker rights.[6][11] Undocumented workers may have difficulty obtaining justice in cases of mistreatment since employers can easily threaten them with deportation.[6][11][12] This leaves these immigrant workers vulnerable to exploitation. Exploitation may take many forms, one of these being wage theft. While there are regulations to protect the rights of workers, such as laws that cover private domestic work, these policies are often underutilized since workers may be unaware of their existence.[6] Individuals who lack formal documentation may also feel less empowered to seek legal recourse because of fear of having their undocumented status made known.

Family members with legal status are more likely to have access to jobs with higher pay and benefits. Second generation immigrants in the United States, who are most likely full citizens, tend to have higher earnings and are less likely to be in poverty than first generation immigrants, some of whom lack formal legal status.[13] Thus, the unequal access to employment opportunities can generate inequality among family members of different legal statuses.

Social benefits

Citizens of the United States are entitled to a host of social benefits. Government programs such as Food Stamps and Medicaid can provide support for low-income families. However, children who are U.S. citizens may not always be able to fully enjoy these benefits.[14] Immigrant parents with limited English language ability may be unaware they are eligible for such benefits, or may not know how to take advantage of social welfare programs.[10][14][15] Even legal non-citizens may find that their access to social supports is restricted due to welfare reforms.[10] In addition, parents who are undocumented may be afraid to deal with government agencies, even if their citizen children are eligible for such assistance programs.[14][15][16][17] When there is risk of deportation, it affects the likelihood of a mixed-status mother's use social services. The anti-immigrant sentiment increases this and then would deter mixed-status mothers to not to participate in government programs in which their U.S. born children are eligible to receive.

Health care

Undocumented immigrants in mixed status families tend to work in jobs that do not provide employee based health insurance and/or employed in occupations that pay off the books. Moreover, we can also expect that poor noncitizen children whose parents lack job-based coverage have lower rates of participation than poor citizen children of U.S. citizens. The lack of insurance for citizen children in mixed-status families means that these children are less likely to receive timely care for acute conditions, and less likely to have their chronic conditions diagnosed and appropriately managed.

Gender

Inequality in the family may occur along gender lines. This is not an issue unique to immigrant families. In many cultures around the world, men have traditionally held more power than women. Among families in the United States alone, gender inequality often exists, which is evident in the unequal sharing of household labor.[18][19] The process of immigration entails a move to a new country, whose culture may have values that differ greatly from those of the home culture. In this transition from one geographical and social context to another, new forms of gender inequality can arise.

Shifts in gender roles

The United States prides itself on being a society that supports gender equality. While, in reality, much gender inequality persists, there are indeed laws in place to protect the equal rights of everyone, regardless of gender. Depending on the home country, U.S. society may contain a much higher level of gender equality than immigrants are accustomed to, particularly if immigrants come from a traditionally patriarchal society.[20][21] The disparity in gender norms between different cultures may cause gender roles in the family to shift.

Immigrants may find that they are a part of a lower socioeconomic status group in the United States than they were in their home country. Immigration research shows that it is rarely the poorest citizens of the sending countries that immigrate to the United States, simply because they cannot afford the associated costs.[6] This is particularly true when they come from countries where the cost of living is not as high as in the United States. Individuals who may have held professional occupations in their country of origin may find themselves in low-paying jobs if their certifications are not recognized by the United States. When families migrate to the United States from a country with a patriarchal society, men in particular may experience a loss of status.[20][21]

While women are also affected by the family's loss of status, they may simultaneously experience a boost in their own status relative to men because of the greater gender equality present in American society.[20][21][22] Men, who may have been accustomed to filling the role of sole "breadwinner" in their home country may find themselves unable to do so in the United States. This is due both to restricted access to jobs and to prevalence of new immigrants in the low-wage sector. Immigrants in these jobs are unlikely to be able to support their entire families solely on their earnings.[20][21] The increase in the number of female-dominated industries in the United States means that there are often more employment options for women in the low-wage sector than for men.[22] If women begin to take a more active role in financially providing for their family, this is generally accompanied by enhanced status within the family.[22]

Domestic violence

While the rate of domestic violence among immigrant groups does not differ from that of the general population, immigrant victims of domestic violence may face additional challenges. While victims can be of either gender, women may be especially vulnerable.[8] The process of immigrating to another country and adjusting to American culture can be stressful, increasing the likelihood of domestic violence.[23] Factors such as limited English language ability, legal status, and lack of social ties may create additional barriers for those trying to escape such situations.[8] Even when a woman does have access to social services that could help her escape an abusive situation, cultural norms may make it difficult for her to leave. If a woman decides to leave an abusive spouse she may run the risk of social ostracism and of bringing shame to her family.[8][24] Thus, a woman may choose to stay and suffer abuse rather than face the social consequences of leaving her husband.

On the other hand, some individuals may actually find it easier to escape situations of abuse in the United States than they would have in their countries of origin. Among some immigrants there is much criticism of the way in which women in particular have been changed by American culture. Women may be seen as too Americanized because of the way they dress or their lack of deference to men.[21][25] The general support for gender equality within American society can undermine traditional power hierarchies within the family in which men had control over the actions of women. One of the ways that such power is undermined is through the presence of laws against domestic violence. In some patriarchal societies, husbands may have complete control over their wives, including control over their bodies.[20] U.S. laws do not support this sort of arrangement and women who are aware of their rights can utilize formal legal institutions to combat such gender imbalances within the family. The ability of government authorities to intervene in the realm of the family can undermine the traditional power balance and leave men feeling dispossessed.[20]

Relationships across national borders

Families do not always immigrate as one unit. Given the various legal and economical factors associated with transnational migration, certain family members may find it easier to immigrate to the United States than others.[26] In other cases, individuals may immigrate to the United States as an employment strategy, with no intention of permanently relocating their family to the U.S.[26][27] The distribution of family members across national borders can generate unique forms of inequality within the families of immigrants.

Global relationships as a strategy to uphold gender roles

Some immigrants, particularly those from cultures in which women are subordinate to men, may express disapproval about the influence of American culture on girls and women.[25] Men in particular may perceive women from their own cultural heritage who have assimilated into American society as too "independent"[21] and thus incompatible with the traditional family structures that such men may wish to uphold. This may cause men to seek out spouses from their home countries, believing these women will be more willing to take on the traditional household duties of a wife.[21] When these women come to the United States they may experience isolation, particularly if they do not have family members or friends already in the U.S.[8] In such instances, men often control women's access to outside resources and support systems, creating a power imbalance within the home. In instances of domestic violence, this isolation may make it difficult for women to find the help they need.[8]

Transnational families

Migration is often used as an employment strategy.[26][27] Although many individuals choose to migrate permanently to another country, others may migrate on a more temporary basis or do so seasonally. When families do not all migrate together, they must negotiate family relationships across national borders. Which family members migrate and which stay behind can be important determinants of how inequality may manifest itself in these transnational families. Among families from Latin American countries, it is often the case that men will travel abroad to work. This means that the women in these families do the bulk of the day-to-day caring for the family.[26]

In more recent years, scholars have noted a shift in the demographics of migrant workers. Particularly in Asian countries, but also in Latin American countries, a growing number of women are traveling abroad for jobs as domestic and service workers.[6][27] In many of these cases, women take on jobs caring for the children of families in wealthier nations, while leaving their own children in the country of origin.[6][26][27] This can mean that their own children are not well-cared for and may suffer as a result.

Distribution of household labor

Although women may take a greater role in providing for the family financially, this does not always mean that men take on a greater share of the housework. Studies on Taiwanese and Korean immigrants in New York found that the distribution of household labor in the home varied with class. In general, husbands in families belonging to the professional class were more likely to take on household work than in those belonging to the working class.[22][28][29] Among Chicano families belonging to the professional class, a study found that husbands took on an even greater share of the household labor when compared to professional-class families from other ethnic groups.[30] These studies found, however, that even among immigrant families in the professional class, wives still did the bulk of the work.[28][29][30] Among many Vietnamese immigrant families, reproductive labor is still seen as the responsibility of women.[20] In the United States, the scope of this household work is expanded to include dealing with larger institutions like schools, utility companies, and the health-care system. Women may also take over the task of finding housing and dealing with landlords. Language barriers and the threat of feeling powerless may lead men to avoid interactions with such bureaucracies, leaving the job of navigating these complex systems to women. This results in women having superior knowledge of the workings of such systems. Among Vietnamese immigrants, women are often thought of as experts on health-care, and men may defer to women since they have more knowledge of how the health-care system operates.[20] In the case of Vietnamese immigrants, although women were still expected to take responsibility for a disproportionate amount of household-related labor, the change in the nature of such labor gives them the skills and the confidence to know how to deal with societal institutions.[20] This knowledge provides women with a certain amount of leverage within the household and provides them with a greater amount of social and cultural capital relative to men.

Generation

Inequality may exist between members of different generations within a family. Assimilation into American society may create changes in the traditional family structure, particularly among immigrants who come from cultures in which age is a strong determinant of status and power. American culture places a high value on individuality. The high importance placed on self-determination in American culture may go against the traditional values of cultures in which children are expected to obey and respect the wishes of their parents in all facets of their lives.[31] The migration process is often stressful and can lead to conflicts between family members, particularly those of different generations.[32]

Degree of assimilation

Among many immigrant families, members of the younger generation tend to assimilate to American culture at a faster rate than members of older generations.[32] This can create divides along generational lines. Members of the older generation may dislike the influence that American culture has on the younger generation, particularly shifts from communal values to a more individualistic mindset.[32] On the other hand, members of the younger generation may view their elders as too set in their ways and out of touch with American society.[32] Such sentiments can lead to conflict between family members. Points of contention include clothing, speech, displaying respect for elders, and dating practices.

Family members who identify more with the culture of their home country may experience frustration when they attempt to instill their cultural values into younger family members. Popular media, schools, and peers act as powerful socializing agents and members of the older generation may feel that they cannot compete with these pervasive cultural and social forces. Parents may blame television and magazines for the unwanted change they see in their children and if they decide to act by cracking down on their children's access to popular media, this may lead to further generational schisms.[32]

These divides can also occur between members of the same generation, particularly between older siblings who may identify more strongly with their home country and younger siblings who may identify more with American culture. This is especially likely to occur when older siblings belong to the 1.5 generation, meaning that they were born abroad, and younger siblings were born in the United States.[31] In many societies, older siblings are given greater responsibilities and may feel more pressure from parents to set a good example for their younger siblings by performing well in school and obtaining success. At the same time, this greater responsibility often affords older siblings a greater degree of power within the family. Older siblings may therefore also be more likely to uphold their parents' traditional values because of the power it affords them within the family.[31] In America's more egalitarian culture, power hierarchies based on age are less likely to be accepted. Younger siblings may therefore reject the authority of their older siblings, fostering tensions within the family. The migration process can therefore destabilize traditional power hierarchies within the family based on age and in some cases may lead to a reversal of such hierarchies.[31] Regardless of whether tension exists among members of different generations or members of the same generation, degree of assimilation may pave the way for divisions within the family.

Language proficiency

In many immigrant families, members of the younger generation have greater English language proficiency than their elders.[32] In families where parents may know little to no English, children may act as interpreters. Young children may therefore be involved in important family matters, including finances. In cases where children are in charge of paying bills, they may be in a position to take a portion of their parents' money for their own use.[32] Even when this is not the case, the role of interpreter gives a particular family member a certain measure of control over other family members who are unable to communicate as well in English.

Cultural capital

An interesting aspect of cultural capital that sometimes comes into play in immigrant families is familiarity with American laws. Parents may find that U.S. law is in conflict with their traditional means of disciplining their children. While parents may be accustomed to certain parental rights in their home country, these rights may not be protected in American society. There may be cases in which outside agents—either school officials, police officers, or government officials—become involved in conflicts between parents and children.[32] This is particularly true in cases of alleged physical abuse. Children, who may be more familiar with American laws, can use this knowledge to gain assistance from individuals outside of the family.[32] The involvement of outside agents may tip the traditional power balance within the family and affords family members who are more familiar with the rules and norms of the United States a certain degree of power over family members who are not as familiar with these laws. Among immigrants who come from cultures with strict hierarchies based on age, such interventions can be devastating to parents who may feel that their authority has been undermined. Family members who are better assimilated into American culture are more able, and probably more likely, to utilize their knowledge of American laws to change the dynamics of family relations. This generates inequality based on degree of assimilation since those who are less assimilated are more likely to lose face as the result of the penetration of such laws into the traditionally private domain of the family.[32]

Duality of exclusion

Nichollas Walter in his study of youth immigrants reveal that the young immigrants constantly encounters the duality of exclusion and inclusion in their life. They often define themselves as Americans because their philosophies and mindsets are no different from other contemporary Americans. However, at the same time, they feel excluded in real life because they cannot easily debunk their undocumented immigrant status[clarification needed].[33][34] This experience often hampers a stable formation of identity among these young second-generations. Consequently, due to their discouraging youth period, these young immigrants are often discouraged to participate in the politics even after they gained appropriate legal status for residency in the United States.[35] Recently, there have been #DREAMers online movements on different social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. In fact, social media has become a key tool for the younger immigrant population in their process of assimilating into the U.S. society. By publicly sharing their narratives as undocumented immigrants, these young immigrants could successfully increase their political representation and solidify a sense of personal identity.[36]

Social mobility and resources

Parents may feel that their authority over their children is weakened because there are greater resources available in the United States and children are thus less dependent upon their parents for financial support. Some parents believe that children's greater independence also makes them less likely to heed parent's teachings and advice.[32] In particular, children in immigrant families may have greater access to education and work opportunities. These, in turn, can help facilitate social mobility, raising the socioeconomic status of subsequent generations of immigrants relative to first generation immigrants (see Second generation immigrants in the United States).

Education

In many immigrants' countries of origin, education is not free. Children therefore rely on their parents for the fees necessary to obtain an education.[32] In some cases, this means that children are unable to complete their education because their parents are unable to pay the school fees or would rather invest that money someplace else, perhaps in another child's education. Girls, in particular, may be unlikely to complete their education because of many cultures' preference for boys.[37] After immigrating to the United States, all children have access to free education through high school, and can apply for scholarships to help fund a college education as well. While parental contributions are still important, especially in the case of college tuition, this removes many of the barriers to educational achievement and also means that parents no longer have as much control over their children's access to educational opportunities.[32]

Among some immigrant groups, especially those who come from origin countries in which education is not free or widely available, first-generation immigrants may have had little formal schooling.[14] Immigrant parents tend to have lower levels of formal schooling than U.S.-born parents.[14][17][38] Low levels of education among parents can have a negative impact on their children's ability to succeed in school.[14][17] On the other hand, the effort that these immigrant parents put into trying to help their children do well in school can have a significant impact on the academic achievement of students.[38][39] Parents thus have some measure of control over the likelihood that their children will succeed in school. If children perceive their parents as supportive, they will be more likely to do well in their academic endeavors, regardless of the practical help their parents are actually able to provide.[38][39] If parents are not invested in their children's success in school—or if they create barriers to children's education by asking children to work rather than attend school—this lack of emotional support can have a negative impact on children's likelihood of educational success.[38]

Children who were born before the family immigrated to the United States may have more difficulty succeeding academically than children who were born after the move to the United States, or who were very young at the time of immigration.[40] This is likely due to the fact children who were born in the United States, or immigrated at a very early age, are more likely to be assimilated into American culture and to possess greater levels of English language ability than children who were born before the family immigrated. Other research confirms the fact that second generation groups tend to have higher levels of academic achievement than first generation groups.[41]

Employment opportunities

First generation immigrants may be more likely to hold "ethnic 'niche' occupations" as well as occupations in low-wage sectors.[41] This occupational concentration provides few opportunities for advancement beyond relatively low-wage service-sector jobs. The employment opportunities available to immigrants are often dependent on their English language proficiency. Recent immigrants are less likely to be fluent in English which may only give them access to low-wage jobs where English proficiency is not as important.[8][24] Recent immigrants are thus overrepresented in low-wage occupations.[10] Subsequent generations, however, are less likely to be so occupationally concentrated by ethnicity and nationality. Members of later generations generally have access to a wider range of jobs which provide them with greater opportunities for upward social mobility.[41]

See also

References

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