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Historiography of the salon

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The salons of Early Modern and Revolutionary France played an integral role in the cultural and intellectual development of France. The salons were seen by contemporary writers as a cultural hub, responsible for the dissemination of good manners and sociability. It was not merely manners that the salons supposedly spread but also ideas, as the salons became a centre of intellectual as well as social exchange, playing host to many members of the Republic of Letters. Women, in contrast to other Early Modern institutions, played an important and visible role within the salons. The extent of this role is, however, heavily contested by some historians.

The role that the salons played in the process of Enlightenment, and particularly the fact that women played such an integral part in them, means that there is an abundance of historical debate surrounding them. The relationship with the state and the public sphere, the role of women, as well as their form and periodisation are all important factors in the historiography of the salon.

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  • Alan Taylor | Part 1 | June 13, 2012 | Appel Salon
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Transcription

Steve Paikin: Okay. First of all, can you believe this? This is fabulous how many people have come out tonight... Alan Taylor: It's wonderful. SP: To discuss a war that started actually 200 years ago... Boy, we're really close, about five days away from the actual declaration of war. AT: The suspense is building. SP: Yes it is. First question is obvious from the... And it's right from the title of the book, "I think we have not traditionally thought of this war as a civil war; we have thought of it as us against them." Where did the notion that this was actually a civil war, how did that come to you? AT: Well, it came to me when I started investigating who lived in Upper Canada, the Ontario of the past, and I found out that something on the order of two-thirds of the people who lived here in 1812 were migrants from the United States. And they weren't the true loyalists, that two-thirds, there certainly were true loyalists here, who had come during the 1780s, but they were mostly a later group of migrants known as the late loyalists. And so their experience when American forces invade upper Canada, is that of a civil war, and that they are being invaded by people who used to be their neighbours and in some cases used to be their friends. SP: I think it was back on the 5th that the House of Representatives passed the declaration of war, it then went to the Senate and they passed it, and then on the 18th, I think is the 200th anniversary of President Madison's actually signing it. That sounds like there was a lot of support for this war in the United States, particularly in high government circles. Is that the case? AT: Well, there wasn't high government circles because there was one party that controlled the government of the United States. It was the Republican Party of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. Not quite the same thing as today's Republican Party. But that Republican Party was... About 81% of the members of that party in Congress voted for the declaration of war, but the opposition party voted unanimously against it. So, it was not a bipartisan war and the opposing party were the Federalist. And they thought that was a war that was meant as much to discredit the Federalist Party and destroy it in the United States as it was to conquer Canada. SP: All politics is local. AT: Or it's across the border as well. SP: Across the border as well. Let's go through some of the reasons why this thing started in the first place. So we're gonna to go through a bunch of statements here. How accurate is this statement here? "The war began because the Americans simply wanted to take over as much of the North American continent as they could." AT: That's probably about 10% true. SP: That's the conventional wisdom, though. AT: Well, it's probably the conventional wisdom in Canada. It's [laughter].. And you have reason for it. You did get invaded after all. But the reason why the United States wanted to invade Canada was they were... The leaders of the United States were very upset about British military aide to Indian peoples living within the United States. Now, the British did that because they feared there would be a future war with the United States and they knew they would need those First Nation peoples as their allies. And so those weapons given to native peoples, enabled them to defend their homelands against American expansion westward. So, what the British intended as a defencive measure, to help them protect Canada, was interpreted in the United States as an act of aggression against the United States. And it became one of the reasons why Americans wanted to invade Canada, was to break up this alliance with native peoples. SP: Had the native peoples not been on the side of the Brits at this time, for this war, what might have happened to the British side? AT: Well, those native peoples were absolutely essential to the success of the British in defending Canada. Particularly in that first year of the war, which was the most difficult one for the defense of Upper Canada because at that time, in 1812, most of the British troops were tied down in Europe fighting against Napoleon and they could not send reinforcements to Upper Canada until 1813, and then they sent more in 1814. But during that first year, you had less than 2000 British troops for this vast province of Upper Canada, extending from Windsor on the west all the way over to Cornwall. And 2000 troops, that's spreading them pretty thin. Now, of course you had the militia, but the population of Upper Canada was at most 75,000 people. So, you're talking about a militia of maybe 10,000 to 12,000 people, also spread thin. So what is it that evens it for the defenders of Upper Canada? It's the fact that they could get these native peoples to ally with them because these were the most masterful guerilla fighters in North America. SP: Let's talk about some domestic American political considerations in all of this. How much concern was there? We have to remember that a few decades from this time, America will have a civil war. And the South, I gather, is already looking at the North with suspicious eyes. How much concern was there among the Americans in the South, that if the North were to annexed Canada... AT: Right. SP: The balance would be somehow at askew? AT: That's a good point. It's one of the reasons why... The United States was, and I'm sorry to break this news, [laughter] they were ambivalent about conquering Canada. [laughter] There were some people who were quite keen for it, but there were a lot of people, for domestic political reasons within the United States, who thought this would be a mistake. You can read Thomas Jefferson's writings and you would be persuaded that people in Canada lived on ice floes, year round. He wasn't really persuaded that Canada was worth conquering. Then the other fear was the United States was a very tenuous coalition of regions, at that time. Southerners did not trust Northerners, Westerners didn't trust Easterners. AT: So, if you're suddenly going to add several potential states to the Northern side of the ledger, that gave great pause to the Southern politicians. So their position was, we're going to war for maritime reasons because the British Navy is interfering with American ships and American sailors, and we're going to grab Canada as a bargaining chip that we will give back to the British in order to get them to make concessions in a peace treaty to end the war. Now, that's not a very appealing message to the people being invaded. "We're coming here and we want you to help us, and by the way, if you do help us you'll become traitors, and we're going to give you back to the people who will consider you traitors." When Canadians thought about that for a little while, they thought why should we help you? SP: Let's follow up on the maritime angle. The British did seize American merchant ships, they stopped other American boats to search for deserters from the Royal Navy and then there was something called impressment. What was impressment? AT: Well, the Press gang worked throughout the British Empire, that it was a very crude form of conscription. You would go into a tavern or you would go onto a ship and you would see a likely-looking sailor, and you would say, "It's your unlucky day, you are now in the Royal Navy." They would haul this guy off, kicking and screaming, and they would put him in the Royal Navy where conditions were pretty grim, working conditions, and you're also in danger of being blasted by the Spanish or the French. And pay was low and the food in the British Navy was exactly as you would imagine it. [laughter] AT: Then for excitement, you would be flogged regularly. So sailors decided by the thousands that maybe leaving the British Isles and going to the United States and finding higher paying jobs in the American Merchant Marine was a safer and higher paying occupation. Well, if you're an Empire and you're engaged in a world war against the might of Napoleon's empire, you have to have the world's largest navy to protect this island kingdom. You can't afford to be losing thousands of these sailors, going off to another country, which is getting rich off this war as a neutral carrier of the trade that's no longer safe for the British or the French to carry. So, from a British perspective, the Americans are making out like bandits; they're helping Napoleon and they are stealing all these sailors from the British Empire. AT: The British felt fully within their rights to stop these American merchant ships, inspect their crews, take anybody who looked or sounded British and put them in the Royal Navy. Now, a lot of these people considered themselves naturalized American citizens, and in some cases they were people who had been born in the United States, but if you are the captain of a Royal Navy warship and you're short handed, you're going to take any able-bodied sailor that you can, and you're not going to take seriously the protest of the United States, which has a navy, which is about 20 warships compared to the 1,000 warships of the Royal Navy. SP: Okay. So lets go through our checklist here. We've got 10%, you say, had designs on Canadian territory. We've got the issue of impressment and the maritime issues. We've got the Indian confederacy issues, but let me flip it around, because I don't want to make it sound like, as I learnt from your book, that Canada had no designs the other way as well. AT: Right. SP: John Graves Simcoe, our first Lieutenant Governor here in the Province of Ontario, wanted to crush the republic and reunite the empire. Now how much of that attitude was widespread and may have contributed to the British sides wanting to go to war? AT: Well it's a widespread sentiment, but I wouldn't say that it's the sentiment of the top leaders, people in London. People in London, their top priority was to wage war against Napoleon because the survival of the empire was at stake. And Napoleon was a despot who was dominating Europe at that time, plus he was French. [laughter] And so from the British perspective, that made him target number one. Now the Americans... The British leaders didn't much like the Americans, they had made a lot of trouble in the American Revolution. They seemed like a bunch of ingrates and they were making a lot of money out of trading with Napoleon's France. So British officers would, in their private letters, often express sentiments to the effect of, "This will be a good chance for some payback and teach the Americans some lessons." AT: And they fantasized about the possibility of breaking up the American Union and perhaps part of that union would choose to rejoin the empire. So that was never the official policy of the government, but for the people who were involved in the war, here in North America, a lot of them were hoping that their efforts would lead to the discrediting of the Republican form of government and to the dissolution of the American Union. SP: Okay, let me continue with this notion of civil war and you can't tell the players without a program. There are loyalists on both sides of the border, there are Americans on both sides of the border, there are Indian nations on both sides of the border all fighting against each other. There are Irish on both sides of the border. Irish in the United States who hated Britain, did that embolden them to want to go to war with Canada? AT: Absolutely, probably the most enthusiastic people for war in the United States [laughter] were Irish Americans because Ireland was under the domination of the British. There had been a very bloody failed rebellion in Ireland in 1798. It had generated thousands of refugees and the primary place they went was to the United States. Their political world view was that of Republicans and the United States they thought of as the finest country in the world. And once they came to the United States, they settled usually in the seaport cities or near them, especially Philadelphia, and they became very politically active. They were often the editors of Republican newspapers and they helped to gin up feeling in the United States in favour of war. And they had this concept that if you could start to unravel the British empire anywhere, it would have a ripple effect that would be felt in Ireland. So that if they could overthrow British rule in Canada, that this would inspire a new rebellion that would liberate Ireland was their thinking. AT: Now it becomes very much of a civil war experience when these troops do invade upper Canada and there was a disproportionate number of those soldiers, not a majority, but a higher percentage of those soldiers were Irish American than was their proportion of the American population, because they were highly enthusiastic about this whereas a lot of other Americans weren't. They crossed the border and they are engaged in combat... It turns out the regiments they were fighting against in 1812, almost all of them had been recruited in Ireland. Ireland was a very poor place. There were a lot of desperate young men and the one way in which they could get some money and they could get out of Ireland was to enlist in a British army regiment. The regiments that were posted here in Canada were almost all recruited in Ireland and most of their troops were Irish. So you had Irish people fighting on both sides in the battles in Canada. SP: Brother against brother, it really was? AT: Literally, yes. SP: There is one other group we haven't mentioned yet and that is the French Catholic les habitants, the French Canadians. Now did they prefer to be a minority under British rule in present day Canada or were they looking to get liberated by the Americans? AT: If they made a list of liberators they would not put the Americans on it. [laughter] There had been an attempt to liberate them by the Americans during the American revolution which had not gone well, and they didn't have fond experiences with Americans who they mostly knew as peddlers and horse thieves who would come across the border. So it was not a good representation of the American character that they were familiar with. Plus, they had mostly made their peace with British rule at that time. They didn't have any fondness for British rule, but they hated Napoleon more because Napoleon had done things against the Catholic church and against the Pope. And the British government of Canada had mostly protected the interests of the Catholic church at that time. AT: So, the Catholic hierarchy in Canada was quite clear that preserving British rule was preferable to an American conquest. And so the French Canadians were not much involved in the war, I'm not saying they had no role, but the primary American invasion was into upper Canada which was mostly an Anglophone colony. But occasionally American forces would go into lower Canada, what's now Quebec, and on those occasions the French Canadians did turn out and they were very effective against fighting the invaders. SP: There are deserters obviously in every war, but particularly I guess, given the way you've set this story up as a civil war, it seemed like desertion was an epidemic in this war. There's tons of it. AT: Yes. SP: How come so much? AT: Well, this is a war in which people speak the same languages on both sides, most of the people are speaking English. And I think it is worth dwelling upon that because it means that you can persuade people of the other side pretty readily because you're speaking their language and people can imagine themselves on the other side. Now desertion worked a little differently on the two sides. When Americans would run away. Sometimes they would go into upper Canada, often because they had relatives living here because there were so many upper Canadians were Americans by birth. More often, Americans were running away to go back home within the United States. When the British soldiers desert, they don't feel it's safe to hide out within upper Canada. So they will almost always go over to the American forces. And we have to bear in mind that most of these soldiers were Irish, and there was a phenomena what's called an "immigration enlistment." It seems clear that some of these people enlisted in these British regiments to get a free ride across the Atlantic and their geography was good enough that they knew the United States was next to Canada. [chuckle] AT: And they're just looking for an opportunity to throw the gun down and go across. Now I want to be clear, I'm not talking about most of those troops. Most of those troops did their duty and stuck it out with the British, but the British officers complained early and often that the ethnicity of most of their deserters was Irish. SP: I'm just looking for this guy's name in the back of the book because maybe somebody in this room will know. Was he a General Willcocks? He started with the Canadians, he defected at the other side... AT: This is where you're all supposed to hiss [laughter] because he was a traitor to Canada. SP: He was a traitor and there's a street right, running through the University of Toronto, oh, Joseph Willcocks, called, "Willcocks Street." Is that named after that traitor son of a gun, do you know? AT: No, no. No. No, do not go out and tear down those signs. [laughter] AT: It's named for a relative of his... SP: Okay, good. [laughter] AT: Who died before the war and would have been loyal, even if he had lived. [laughter] SP: Okay. AT: Right. But Joseph Willcocks was a traitor to Canada. He, of course, didn't see it that way. He initially was fighting on behalf of defending the Province. He had been recruited by Isaac Brock who was politically very shrewd. He was the Commanding General and the acting Lieutenant Governor when the war began, Brock. And he was trying to unite all of the factions within Upper Canada, and so he reached out to Willcocks who had been leading the opposition and brought him into the fold. Willcocks stopped his opposition activity, shut down his newspapers, sold off his brass, got a commission, fought at the Battle of Queenston Heights, helped to recruit First Nations people for the war effort. AT: But then in 1813, he suddenly switched and he ran away to the Americans. Well, what happened? Brock got killed. His successor was politically weak, continued to try to include the opposition. But after York fell to the Americans in April of 1813, that man, Sir Roger Hale Sheaffe was discredited and sacked. A more hard-line regime came into power, politically, in Upper Canada and started to arrest people who were perceived to be dissidents. Willcocks didn't wanna be arrested, so he ran away to the Americans and he organized a unit of other Upper Canadians who where dedicated to overthrowing British rule. So there were some Upper Canadians led by Willcocks who were actively fighting against other Upper Canadians, a much larger number who were defending British rule in Upper Canada. SP: Let me ask you about military strategy by the Americans because you've already told us that maritime problems between America and Britain were significant in the reasons behind this war. And yet, the Americans really fought this mostly as a land war within our boundaries as opposed to out in the Atlantic. How come? AT: Well, they can count and they know that they've got 21 warships and the British have a 1,000. Now, that's not to say that those 21 didn't perform some incredible feats, but they cannot wage a war to wrest domination of the North Atlantic away from the British because they just don't have the ships to do that. So they waged a commerce raiding war, in which those 21 warships are trying to slip out through a British blockade, disperse around the seas of the world, and attack British merchants ships. If they have the opportunity to find a stray, single British warship they will attack it. They can inflict some pain and certainly, it's bad for public relations for the Royal Navy to ever lose to anybody. They were used to always beating the French and the Spanish. As for these Americans to win an occasional naval victory was very disheartening to the British, so they issued a rule: No more one ship against one ship battles with the Americans. If you have two ships, you can attack the Americans, but if you've got one you avoid it. SP: Follow up. There were militarily important locations that the Americans never attacked. There were less significant locations where they spent a great deal of time with ground troops trying to attack. And it so happened that there were fairly wealthy American landowners who owned land in the sensitive areas, but never saw any action. You want to say there's a connection here or not? AT: That's incredible. SP: Isn't that an amazing connection? AT: Right. [laughter] SP: Who had schlep and why, I guess, is the question. AT: Well, that's a very important question. So the obvious place, if you're an American war planner and you want to conquer Canada, what do you go after that's the most important place to capture? What are the two most important places? Montreal and Quebec City, because they will control everything that's upstream. There were no decent roads, so all of the supplies, all the reinforcements that are ever gonna get to Upper Canada will be cut-off if you control Montreal and Quebec City. And that's why the major British force in North America was in Quebec City. The most impressive fortifications in North America were in Quebec City. The British plan was, that if they lost everything else in Canada, they would hold up in Quebec City behind the city walls and wait for reinforcements to come from Europe. AT: Now, the Americans don't do the obvious thing which is to go against Montreal and then move on to Quebec City. Instead, they attack Upper Canada, Niagara Peninsula in Western Upper Canada in particular, which is militarily stupid. So why? Well, part of it is the American Army wasn't big enough, wasn't professional enough for the job of taking on Quebec City. And political support in the United States for the war was so shaky that the political calculus was, "Let's go to the place where we can win quick and easy victories because then the war will become more popular in the United States, our troops will get experience, we'll recruit more soldiers, and we'll be strong enough in year two to move on against Montreal and Quebec." So that's one calculation. The other is the United States needs to borrow money because they don't wanna tax the American people. It's something you never wanna do if you wanna be in political power in the US. [laughter] AT: The governing party wants to run a war, it turns out wars are expensive and... But they don't wanna tax the American people, so we do what Americans do. We borrow money. The problem is most of the people with money in the United States were Federalists who are opposed to the war and refused to loan their money to the US government. There are a handful of very rich men who are willing to loan money for this war effort, that gave them enormous clout over the US government. One of them owned thousands of acres of land in Northern New York right along the Saint Lawrence Valley, which could have been this invasion corridor to go to Montreal. He made very clear to the leadership of the United States, "I'm loaning you a lot of money, I do not want your troops going across my... "

Historiography of the Salons

The historiography of the salons is far from straightforward. The salons have been studied in depth by a mixture of feminist, Marxist, cultural, social and intellectual historians. Each of these methodologies focus on different aspects of the salons, and thus have varying analyses of the salons’ importance in terms of French history and the Enlightenment as a whole.

A Reading in the Salon of Mme Geoffrin, 1755

Major historiographical debates focus around the relationship between the salons and the public sphere, as well as the role of women within the salons.

Periodisation of the salon

Breaking down the salons into a historical periods is complicated due to the various historiographical debates that surround them. Most studies stretch from the mid-seventeenth century to the end of eighteenth century. Goodman is typical in ending her study at The French Revolution, where, she writes: 'the literary public sphere was transformed into the political public'.[1] Steven Kale is relatively alone in his recent attempts to extend the period of the salon up until Revolution of 1848.[2] Kale points out:

A whole world of social arrangements and attitude supported the existence of french salons: an idle aristocracy, an ambitious middle class, an active intellectual life, the social density of a major urban center, sociable traditions, and a certain aristocratic feminism. This world did not disappear in 1789.[3]

Conversation, content and the form of the salon

The content and form of the salon to some extent defines the character and historical importance of the salon. Contemporary literature about the salons is dominated by idealistic notions of politesse (politeness), civilité (civility) and honnêteté (honesty or proper behavior), but whether the salons lived up to these standards is matter of debate. Older texts on the salons tend to paint an idealistic picture of the salons, where reasoned debate takes precedence and salons are egalitarian spheres of polite conversation.[4] Today, however, this view is rarely considered an adequate analysis of the salon.[5] Dena Goodman claims that rather than being leisure based or 'schools of civilité' salons were instead at 'the very heart of the philosophic community' and thus integral to the process of Enlightenment.[6] In short, Goodman argues, the seventeenth and eighteenth century saw the emergence of the academic, Enlightenment salons, which came out of the aristocratic 'schools of civilité'. Politeness, argues Goodman, took second-place to academic discussion.[7]

"Abbé Delille reciting his poem, La Conversation in the salon of Madame Geoffrin" from Jacques Delille, "La Conversation" (Paris, 1812)

The period in which salons were dominant has been labeled the 'age of conversation'.[8] The topics of conversation within the salons - that is, what was and was not 'polite' to talk about - are thus vital when trying to determine the form of the salons. The salonnières were expected, ideally, to run and moderate the conversation (See Women in the salon). There is, however, no universal agreement among historians as to what was and was not appropriate conversation. Marcel Proust 'insisted that politics was scrupulously avoided'.[9] Others suggested that little other than government was ever discussed.[10] The disagreements that surround the content of discussion partly explain why the salon's relationship with the public sphere is so heavily contested. Oppositional politics were frowned upon within the salon, thus whether the salons can be classed as within the public sphere is debatable.

The salon and the 'public sphere'

Recent historiography of the salons has been dominated by Jürgen Habermas' work, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (triggered largely by its translation into French, in 1978, and then English, in 1989), which argued that the salons were of great historical importance.[11] Theatres of conversation and exchange – such as the salons, and the coffeehouses in England – played a critical role in the emergence of what Habermas termed the ‘public sphere’, which emerged in ‘cultural-political contrast’ to court society.[12] Thus, while women retained a dominant role in the historiography of the salons, the salons received increasing amounts of study, much of it in direct response to, or heavily influenced by Habermas’ theory.[13]

The dominance of Habermas’ work in salon historiography has come under criticism from some quarters, with Pekacz singling out Dena Goodman's Republic of Letters for particular criticism because it was written with ‘the explicit intention of supporting [Habermas’] thesis’, rather than verifying it.[14] The theory itself, meanwhile, has been criticised for a fatal misunderstanding of the nature of salons.[15] The main criticism of Habermas’ interpretation of the salons, however, is that the salons were not part of an oppositional public sphere, and were instead an extension of court society.

This criticism stems largely from Norbert EliasThe History of Manners, in which Elias contends that the dominant concepts of the salons – politesse, civilité and honnêteté – were ‘used almost as synonyms, by which the courtly people wished to designate, in a broad or narrow sense, the quality of their own behaviour’.[16] Joan Landes agrees, stating that, ‘to some extent, the salon was merely an extension of the institutionalised court’ and that rather than being part of the public sphere, salons were in fact in conflict with it.[17] Erica Harth concurs, pointing to the fact that the state ‘appropriated the informal academy and not the salon’ due to the academies’ ‘tradition of dissent’ – something that lacked in the salon.[18] But Landes’ view of the salons as a whole is independent of both Elias’ and Habermas’ school of thought, insofar that she views the salons as a ‘unique institution’, that cannot be adequately described as part of the public sphere, or court society.[19] Others, such as Steven Kale, compromise by declaring that the public and private spheres overlapped in the salons.[20] Antoine Lilti goes further, describing the salons as simply ‘institutions within Parisian high society,’ with little or no link to the realm of the public sphere or public opinion. Because salons appear to be largely aristocratic institutions of "politesse", Lilti argues the only possible impact on the public sphere was in the form of patronage networks for philosophes.[21]

The most prominent defence of salons as part of the public sphere comes from Dena Goodman's The Republic of Letters, which claims that the ‘public sphere was structured by the salon, the press and other institutions of sociability’.[22] Goodman's work is also credited with further emphasising the importance of the salon in terms of French history, the Republic of Letters and the Enlightenment as a whole, and has dominated the historiography of the salons since its publication in 1994.[23]

Debates surrounding women and the salon

When dealing with the salons, historians have traditionally focused upon the role of women within them.[24] Works in the nineteenth and much of the twentieth century often focused on the scandals and ‘petty intrigues’ of the salons.[25] Other works from this period focused on the more positive aspects of women in the salon.[26] Indeed, according to Jolanta T. Pekacz, the fact women dominated history of the salons meant that study of the salons was often left to amateurs, while men concentrated on 'more important' (and masculine) areas of the Enlightenment.[27]

Portrait of Mme Geoffrin, salonnière, by Marianne Loir (National Museum of Women in the Arts, Washington, DC)

Historians tended to focus on individual salonnières, creating almost a 'great-woman' version of history that ran parallel to the Whiggish, male dominated history identified by Herbert Butterfield. Even in 1970, works were still being produced that concentrated only on individual stories, without analysing the effects of the salonnières' unique position.[28] The integral role that women played within salons, as salonnières, began to receive greater - and more serious - study in latter parts of the twentieth century, with the emergence of a distinctly feminist historiography.[29] The salons, according to Caroyln Lougee, were distinguished by 'the very visible identification of women with salons', and the fact that they played a positive public role in French society.[30] General texts on the Enlightenment, such as Daniel Roche's France in the Enlightenment tend to agree that women were dominant within the salons, but that their influence did not extend far outside of such venues.[31] Antoine Lilti, on the other hand, rejects the notion that women 'governed' conversation in the salons.[32]

It was, however, Goodman's The Republic of Letters that ignited a real debate surrounding the role of women within the salons and – so Goodman contends – the Enlightenment as a whole.[33] According to Goodman: ‘The salonnières were not social climbers but intelligent, self-educated, and educating women who adopted and implemented the values of the Enlightenment Republic of Letters and used them to reshape the salon to their own social intellectual, and educational needs’.[34] While few historians doubt that women played an important, significant role in the salons, Goodman is often criticised for her narrow use of sources.[35] Very recent historiography has tended to moderate Goodman's thesis, arguing that while women did play a significant role in the salons they facilitated - rather than created, as Goodman argues - the ideas and debates generally associated with the Enlightenment.[36] This was particular true in Vienna, where the cultural salon started later than it did in Paris and Berlin.

See also

References

  1. ^ Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994), p. 280.
  2. ^ Steven Kale, French Salons: High Society and Political Sociability from the Old Regime to the Revolution of 1848 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006) p. 9
  3. ^ Ibid., p. 9
  4. ^ Sisley Huddleston, Bohemian, Literary and Social Life in Paris: Salons, Cafes, Studios (London: George G. Harrap, 1928)
  5. ^ Steven Kale, French Salons, p. 5.
  6. ^ Dena Goodman, 'Enlightenment Salons: The Convergence of Female and Philosophic Ambitions' Eighteenth-Century Studies", Vol. 22, No. 3, Special Issue: The French Revolution in Culture (Spring, 1989), pp. 330
  7. ^ Ibid., pp. 329-331
  8. ^ Benedetta Craveri, The Age of Conversation (New York: New York Review Books, 2005)
  9. ^ Kale, French Salons, p. 5.
  10. ^ Ibid., p. 5.
  11. ^ Jürgen Habermas (trans. Thomas Burger), The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Camb., Mass.: MIT Press, 1989).
  12. ^ Ibid., p. 30.
  13. ^ Joan B. Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988); Goodman, The Republic of Letters; Erica Harth, Cartesian Women: Versions and Subversions of Rational Discourse in the Old Regime (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992).
  14. ^ Jolanta T. Pekacz, Conservative Tradition In Pre-Revolutionary France: Parisian Salon Women (New York: Peter Lang, 1999) p. 3.
  15. ^ Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution, pp. 23-4.
  16. ^ Norbert Elias (Trans. Edmund Jephcott), The Civilising Process: The History of Manners, Vol. 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978), pp. 39-40.
  17. ^ Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution, pp. 23-5.
  18. ^ Harth, Cartesian Women, pp. 61-63.
  19. ^ Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution, p. 23
  20. ^ Kale, French Salons, p. 12.
  21. ^ Antoine Lilti, ‘Sociabilité et mondanité: Les hommes de lettres dans les salons parisiens au XVIIIe siècle’ French Historical Studies, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Summer 2005), p. 417.
  22. ^ Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: a Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994), p. 14.
  23. ^ Kale, French Salons, p. 238 n. 5.
  24. ^ Jolanta T. Pekacz, Conservative Tradition In Pre-Revolutionary France: Parisian Salon Women, p. 1.
  25. ^ S. G. Tallentyre, Women of the Salons (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1926) and Julia Kavanagh, Women in France during the Enlightenment Century, 2 Vols (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1893).
  26. ^ Edmond et Jules de Goncourt, La femme au dix-huitème siècle (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1862) and Paul Deschanel, Figures des femmes (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1900).
  27. ^ Pekacz, Conservative Tradition In Pre-Revolutionary France, p. 2.
  28. ^ Anny Latour (Trans. A. A. Dent), Uncrowned Queens: Reines Sans Couronne (London: J. M. Dent, 1970)
  29. ^ Carolyn C. Lougee, Women, Salons and Social Stratification in Seventeenth Century France, pp. 3-7.
  30. ^ Ibid., pp. 3, 7.
  31. ^ Daniel Roche (Trans Arthur Goldhammr), France in the Enlightenment, (Cambridge, Mass.: HUP, 1998), pp. 443-8.
  32. ^ Lilti, passim.
  33. ^ Goodman, The Republic of Letters, pp. 1-11.
  34. ^ Ibid., p. 76.
  35. ^ Pekacz, Conservative Tradition In Pre-Revolutionary France, p. 6; Lilti, ‘Sociabilité et mondanité, p. 2.
  36. ^ Pekacz, Conservative Tradition In Pre-Revolutionary France, pp. 6-14.

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