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Chicago Women's Liberation Union

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Chicago Women's Liberation Union
Founded1969
Dissolved1977
FocusWomen's liberation
Location

The Chicago Women's Liberation Union (CWLU) was an American feminist organization founded in 1969 at a conference in Palatine, Illinois.[1][2]

The main goal of the organization was to end gender inequality and sexism, which the CWLU defined as "the systematic keeping down of women for the benefit of people in power."[3] The purpose statement of the organization expressed that "Changing women's position in society isn't going to be easy. It's going to require changes in expectations, jobs, child care, and education. It's going to change the distribution of power over the rest of us to all people sharing power and sharing in the decisions that affect our lives."[3] The CWLU spent almost a decade organizing to challenge both sexism and class oppression. The group is best known for the 1972 pamphlet "Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women’s Movement", by the Hyde Park Chapter of the Chicago Women's Liberation Union (Heather Booth, Day Creamer, Susan Davis, Deb Dobbin, Robin Kaufman, and Tobey Klass). Nationally circulated, the publication is believed to be the first to use the term socialist feminism.

Naomi Weisstein, Vivian Rothstein, Heather Booth, and Ruth Surgal were among its founders. The play The Last of the Red Hot Mammas, or, the Liberation of Women as Performed by the Inmates of the World was first performed at its founding conference, and Naomi Weisstein was one of those who performed in the play on that occasion.[4]

Vivian Rothstein was the CWLU's first staff member, organized its representative decision-making part, and aided the establishment of its Liberation School for Women.[2]

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • Women's Suffrage: Crash Course US History #31
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Transcription

Episode 31: Feminism and Suffrage Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course U.S. history and today we’re going to talk about women in the progressive era. My God, that is a fantastic hat. Wait, votes for women?? So between Teddy Roosevelt, and Woodrow Wilson, and all those doughboys headed off to war, women in this period have sort of been footnoted shockingly.. Mr. Green, Mr. Green. I’d NEVER make a woman a footnote. She’d be the center of my world, my raison d’etre, my joie de vivre. Oh, Me from the Past. I’m reminded of why you got a C+ in French 3. Let me submit to you, Me from the Past, that your weird worship of women is a kind of misogyny because you’re imagining women as these beautiful, fragile things that you can possess. It turns out that women are not things. They are people in precisely the same way that you are a person and in the progressive era, they demanded to be seen as full citizens of the United States. In short, women don’t exist to be your joie de vivre. They get to have their own joie de vivre. intro So, it’s tempting to limit ourselves to discussion of women getting the right to vote with the passage of the 19th amendment, but if we focus too much on the constitutional history, we’re gonna miss a lot. Some historians refer to the thirty years between 1890 and 1920 as the “women’s era” because it was in that time that women started to have greater economic and political opportunities. Women were also aided by legal changes, like getting the right to own property, control their wages and make contracts and wills. By 1900 almost 5 million women worked for wages, mainly in domestic service or light manufacturing, like the garment industry. Women in America were always vital contributors to the economy as producers and consumers and they always worked, whether for wages or taking care of children and the home. And as someone who has recently returned from paternity leave, let me tell you, that ain’t no joke. And American women were also active as reformers since, like, America became a thing. And those reform movements brought women into state and national politics before the dawn of the progressive era. Unfortunately, their greatest achievement, Prohibition, was also our greatest national shame. Oh, yeah, alright, okay. It’s actually not in our top 5 national shames. But, probably women’s greatest influence indeed came through membership AND leadership in the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. The WCTU was founded in 1874 and by 1890 it had 150,000 members, making it the largest female organization in the United States. Under the leadership of Frances Willard, the WCTU embraced a broad reform agenda. Like it included pushing for the right for women to vote. The feeling was that the best way to stop people from drinking was to pass local laws that made it harder to drink, and to do that it would be very helpful if women could vote. Because American men were a bunch of alcoholic scoundrels who darn well weren’t going to vote to get rid of beer hoses. In 1895 Willard boldly declared, “A wider freedom is coming to the women of America. Too long has it been held that woman has no right to enter these movements (…) Politics is the place for woman.” But the role of women in politics did greatly expand during the Progressive era. As in prior decades, many reformers were middle and upper class women, but the growing economy and the expansion of what might be called the upper-middle class meant that there were more educational opportunities and this growing group of college-educated women leaned in and became the leaders of new movements. Sorry, there was no way I was gonna get through this without one “lean in.” I love that book. So as we’ve talked about before, the 1890s saw the dawning of the American mass consumer society and many of the new products made in the second wave of industrialization were aimed at women, especially “labor-saving” devices like washing machines. If you’ve ever had an infant, you might notice that they poop and barf on everything all the time. Like, I recently called the pediatrician and I was like, “My 14-day-old daughter poops fifteen times a day.” And he was like, “If anything, that seems low.” So the washing machine is a real game-changer. And many women realized that being the primary consumers who did the shopping for the home gave them powerful leverage to bring about change. Chief among these was Florence Kelley, a college-educated woman who after participating in a number of progressive reform causes came to head the National Consumers League. The League sponsored boycotts and shaped consumption patterns encouraging consumers to buy products that were made without child or what we now would call sweatshop labor. Which at the time was often just known as “labor.” And there was also a subtle shift in gender roles as more and more women worked outside the home. African American women continued to work primarily as domestic servants or in agriculture, and immigrant women mostly did low-paying factory labor, but for native-born white women there were new opportunities, especially in office work. And this points to how technology created opportunities for women. Like, almost all the telephone operators in the U.S. were women. By 1920 office workers and telephone operators made up 25% of the female workforce, while domestic servants were only 15%. A union leader named Abraham Bisno remarked that working gave immigrant women a sense of independence: “They acquired the right to personality, something alien to the highly patriarchal family structures of the old country.” Of course this also meant that young women were often in conflict with their parents, as a job brought more freedom, money, and perhaps, if they were lucky, a room of one’s own. Oh, it’s time for the Mystery Document? Please let it be Virginia Woolf, please let it be Virginia Woolf. The rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document. I’m either right or I get shocked. Alright, let’s see what we’ve got. “The spirit of personal independence in the women of today is sure proof that a change has come … the radical change in the economic position of women is advancing upon us… The growing individualization of democratic life brings inevitable changes to our daughters as well as to our sons … One of its most noticeable features is the demand in women not only for their own money, but for their own work for the sake of personal expression. Few girls today fail to manifest some signs of the desire for individual expression …” Well, that’s not Virginia Woolf. Stan, I’m going to be honest, I do not know the answer to this one. However, it has been Woodrow Wilson for the last two weeks. You wouldn’t do that again to me, or would you? I’m gonna guess Woodrow Wilson. Final answer. DANG IT. Charlotte Perkins Gilman in the book Women and Economics? What? Aaaaaah! The idea that having a job is valuable just for the independence that it brings and as a form of “individual expression” was pretty radical, as most women, and especially most men, were not comfortable with the idea that being a housewife was similar to being a servant to one’s husband and children. But of course that changes when staying at home becomes one of many choices rather than your only available option. And then came birth control. Huzzah! Women who needed to work wanted a way to limit the number of pregnancies. Being pregnant and having a baby can make it difficult to hold down a job and also babies are diaper-using, stuff-breaking, consumptive machines. They basically eat money. And we love them. But birth control advocates like Margaret Sanger and Emma Goldman also argued that women should be able to enjoy sex without having children. To which men said, “Women can enjoy sex?” Believe it or not, that was seen as a pretty radical idea and it lead to changes in sexual behavior including more overall skoodilypooping. Goldman was arrested more than 40 times for sharing these dangerous ideas about female sexuality and birth control and she was eventually deported. Sanger, who worked to educate working class women about birth control, was sentenced to prison in 1916 for opening a clinic in Brooklyn that distributed contraceptive devices to poor immigrant women. The fight over birth control is important for at least three reasons. First, it put women into the forefront of debates about free speech in America. I mean, some of the most ardent advocates of birth control were also associated with the IWW and the Socialist Party. Secondly, birth control is also a public health issue and many women during the progressive era entered public life to bring about changes related to public health, leading the crusade against tuberculosis, the so-called White Plague, and other diseases. Thirdly, it cut across class lines. Having or not having children is an issue for all women, regardless of whether they went to college, and the birth control movement brought upper, middle, and lower class women together in ways that other social movements never did. Another group of Progressive women took up the role of addressing the problems of the poor and spearheaded the Settlement House movement. The key figure here was Jane Addams. My God, there are still Adamses in American history? Oh, she spells it Addams-family-Addams, not like founding-fathers-Adams. Anyway, she started Hull House in Chicago in 1889. Settlement houses became the incubators of the new field of social work, a field in which women played a huge part. And Addams became one of America’s most important spokespeople for progressive ideas. And yet in many places, while all of this was happening, women could not technically vote. But their increasing involvement in social movements at the turn of the 20th century led them to electoral politics. It’s true that women were voting before the passage of the 19th amendment in 1920. Voting is a state issue, and in many western states, women were granted the right to vote in the late 19th century. States could also grant women the right to run for office, which explains how the first Congresswoman, Jeannette Rankin, could vote against America’s entry into World War I in 1917. That said, the passage and ratification of the 19th Amendment is a big deal in American history. It’s also a recent deal. Like, when my grandmothers were born, women could not vote in much of the United States. The amendment says that states cannot deny people the right to vote because they are women, which isn’t as interesting as the political organization and activity that led to its passage. Alright, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The suffrage movement was extremely fragmented. There was a first wave of suffrage, exemplified by the women at Seneca Falls, and this metamorphosed into the National American Women’s Suffrage Association, or NAWSA. Most of the leadership of NAWSA was made up of middle to upper class women, often involved in other progressive causes, who unfortunately sometimes represented the darker side of the suffrage movement. Because these upper class progressives frequently used nativist arguments to make their claims for the right to vote. They argued that if the vote could be granted to ignorant immigrants, some of whom could barely speak English, then it should also be granted to native born women. This isn’t to say that the elitist arguments won the day, but they should be acknowledged. By the early 20th century a new generation of college-educated activists had arrived on the scene. And many of these women were more radical than early suffrage supporters. They organized the National Women’s Party and, under the leadership of Alice Paul, pushed for the vote using aggressive tactics that many of the early generation of women’s rights advocates found unseemly. Paul had been studying in Britain between 1907 and 1910 where she saw the more militant women’s rights activists at work. She adopted their tactics that included protests leading to imprisonment and loud denunciations of the patriarchy that would make tumblr proud. And during World War I she compared Wilson to the Kaiser and Paul and her followers chained themselves to the White House fence. The activists then started a hunger strike during their 7-month prison sentence and had to be force-fed. Woodrow Wilson had half-heartedly endorsed women’s suffrage in 1916, but the war split the movement further. Most suffrage organizations believed that wartime service would help women earn respect and equal rights. But other activists, like many Progressives, opposed the war and regarded it as a potential threat to social reform. But, in the end, the war did sort of end up helping the cause. Patriotic support of the war by women, especially their service working in wartime industries, convinced many that it was just wrong to deny them the right to vote. And the mistreatment of Alice Paul and other women in prison for their cause created outrage that further pushed the Wilson administration to support enfranchising women. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So, women’s long fight to gain the right to vote ended with the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920. But, in some ways, the final granting of the franchise was a bit anti-climactic. For one thing, it was overshadowed by the 18th Amendment, Prohibition, which affected both women and men in large numbers. Also Gatsbys. You could say a lot of bad things about Prohibition, and I have, but the crusade against alcohol did galvanize and politicize many women, and organizations such as the WCTU and the Anti-Saloon League introduced yet more to political activism. But, while the passage of the 19th amendment was a huge victory, Alice Paul and the National Women’s Party were unable to muster the same support for an Equal Rights Amendment. Paul believed that women needed equal access to education and employment opportunities. And here they came into contact with other women’s groups, especially the League of Women Voters and the Women’s Trade Union League, which opposed the ERA fearing that equal rights would mean an unraveling of hard-won benefits like mother’s pensions and laws limiting women’s hours of labor. So, the ERA failed, and then another proposed amendment that would have given Congress the power to limit child labor won ratification in only 6 states. So in many ways the period between 1890 and 1920, which roughly corresponds to the Progressive Era, was the high tide of women’s rights and political activism. It culminated in the ratification of the 19th amendment, but the right to vote didn’t lead to significant legislation that actually improved the lives of women, at least not for a while. Nor were there immediate changes in the roles that women were expected to play in the social order as wives and mothers. Still, women were able to increase their autonomy and freedom in the burgeoning consumer marketplace. But it’s important to note that like other oppressed populations in American history, women weren’t given these rights, they had to fight for the rights that were said to be inalienable. And we are all better off for their fight and for their victory. Women’s liberation is to be sure a complicated phrase and it will take a new turn in the Roaring 20s, which we’ll talk about next week. I’ll see you then. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, Rosianna Rojas, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Every week there’s a new caption to the Libertage. You can suggest captions in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. I’m gonna go this way, Stan, just kiiidding! Suffrage -

Chapters

Campus chapters in the CWLU included but were not limited to University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC), Loyola, Northwestern, Roosevelt, Harold Washington, and Dominican University. Local chapters in the CWLU functioned as semi-autonomous groups. These chapters served as consciousness raising groups or groups involved in the planning of political strategies. Some local chapters combined both. Local chapters included the Hyde Park Chapter, the Friday Night Chapter, Brazen Hussies, Mrs. O'Leary, and more. These chapters worked to develop and strengthen peoples' consciousness and skills, to provide free or inexpensive quality services for women, and to challenge politics through direct action.

The CWLU published outreach newspapers such as Womankind, Blazing Star, and Secret Storm. Womankind was a newspaper of the CWLU from 1971 to 1973. It was published monthly and focused on women who were curious about the liberation movement. The CWLU wanted to spread their ideas, inform others of the political direction of the Union, and increase awareness of their chapters and programs. Blazing Star was a newspaper published in 1975 that focused on the struggles and discrimination lesbians faced. The Lesbian Group of CWLU took on this newspaper's title and was also known as Blazing Star.

Secret Storm was another newspaper published by a CWLU group of the same name. Formerly known as Outreach, Secret Storm reflected their ideas and thoughts via their newspaper. They raised controversial yet critical points and discussed current, significant issues with women that they met through neighborhood projects. Secret Storm focused primarily on the problematic structure of neighborhoods and the inequality women encountered in the workplace. Their involvement with issues of sexism, oppression, and inequality ranged from promoting women's sport leagues to helping women understand issues on a global scale. They fought against sexism in park districts and neighborhoods. They worked hard to educate women on prevalent issues apart from their personal experiences. They presented the idea of a global connection shared between women, rather than just a local connection.

Some groups within the CWLU focused specifically on women's involvement in music and the arts. The Chicago Women's Graphics Collective was first organized in 1970 to provide high quality feminist posters for the growing women's liberation movement and to encourage women in the arts. The Chicago Women's Graphics Collective originally used silkscreen to create their large brilliantly colored prints because it was inexpensive and posters could be produced in member's apartments. The Chicago Women's Liberation Rock Band was formed in 1972 and focused on women expressing themselves through their musical talents.[5]

Programs and groups

The CWLU was organized as an umbrella organization to unite a wide range of work groups and discussion groups. A representative from each work group went to monthly meetings of the Steering Committee to reach consensus on organizational policy and strategy. They addressed a myriad of issues including women's health, reproductive rights, education, economic rights, visual arts and music, sports, lesbian liberation, and much more.

Education

A large portion of CWLU's work revolved around education. With the help of Vivian Rothstein, the organization established its Liberation School for Women in 1970. The Liberation School, among other projects, served as a gateway to more opportunities for women. The Liberation School taught women practical and technological skills such as producing low priced political art or running pregnancy tests. This was very beneficial because many women did not have any previous involvement or experience with organizations. Many women learned skills that they would later bring to the political world. Their political fight for antiracism, disability rights, labor community and reproductive rights would help women strengthen their status in society. The Prison Project taught classes at the Dwight Correctional Center for five years. They helped improve facility conditions and organized family visitation rights. When the Prison Project first started its work, there were many strikes and revolts that often resulted in death and injury. However, to deal with the brutal conditions at Dwight, the Prison Project taught classes in health and law. As a result of their efforts, the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services and the Illinois Department of Corrections created a space for women within the institution that included a nursery room. This was much more conducive for the interactions between women and their children.[3]

Healthcare

Healthcare, especially reproductive medical services, was a major concern for CWLU. Groups such as the underground Abortion Counseling Service (also referred to as "Jane" or "Jane Collective") formed within the organization to raise awareness and create change in the health system. The organization provided abortion referrals and clandestine abortions. When abortion was legalized, the Abortion Counseling Service fought for access and safety at clinics while providing affordable pregnancy tests. The Health Evaluation and Referral Service (HERS) was a watchdog group overseeing healthcare professionals and provided referrals until 1989.

Social and political issues

The CWLU did not participate in electoral politics, instead work groups took on the city government to advocate for women's rights. Together with the Chicago chapter of the National Organization for Women (NOW), the CWLU work group DARE (Direct Action for Rights in Employment) sued the city and eventually won a major sex discrimination wage case on behalf of city women custodians. The Action Coalition for Decent Childcare (ACDC), organized by members of the CWLU, fought for and won the case for changing licensing codes for day care providers. CWLU also had a Legal Clinic that provided advice and services. The majority of CWLU members were Caucasian, however they took part in health work for Latino communities, fought against racial discrimination in gay and lesbian bars, and had many affiliations with diverse groups.

The CWLU believed that a developing working-class was fundamental in the ability to transform American society. The CWLU started using the word socialist feminism in order to provoke consciousness of the gender inequality during that time period where patriarchy was dominant in all aspects of society. For example, socialist feminist wanted to integrate the recognition of sex discrimination with their work to achieve justice, equality for women, working classes, the poor and all humanity. The DARE program's focal point was to integrate women into the workforce. Due to factors such as gender discrimination, women were denied the opportunity for advancement in the workforce and were paid less than men for the same work. Susan Bates directed this particular organization that went on to publish a newspaper called Secret Storm. This newspaper publicized struggles at Stewart-Warner, Campbell's Soup, and other workplaces in and around Chicago. In these workplaces there was gender and racial discrimination visible through wage distribution and lack of promotions. At Campbell's Soup, women workers fought for plant-wide seniority and an end to dual seniority lists, both of which were discriminatory. DARE was influential in their efforts to end discrimination and inequality in the workplace.

The Anti-Rape Movement of the 1970s in Chicago provided an opportunity for women to feel empowered by generating change within institutions.[3] In rape cases before the Anti-Rape Movement, hospitals that did admit rape victims were not sensitive to their needs and were often unskilled in gathering evidence for possible prosecution. When police gave credibility to the charge of rape, they often treated the situation without sincerity and did not take the victims seriously. The courts often assigned untrained, hurried prosecuting attorneys to the cases. Usually these attorneys did not help the victims seek the justice they deserved. The Rape Project started a rape crisis hotline, an innovation in the anti-rape movement, where victims could call to communicate with an advocate. These advocates were available to comfort the victims, to talk with them, aid them in hospital or police visits, and support them in all aspects of their process.

Blazing Star was a lesbian group that was part of the CWLU; they produced a newsletter also called Blazing Star.

Projects

The CWLU worked on many different projects and movements in the short eight years that they were active. Some of these movements included the University of Illinois at Chicago's (UIC) women's studies program, which is still active today. The CWLU worked with a student and faculty group called the Circle Women's Liberation Union to form the Women's Studies program in 1972 to "make knowledge by, about, and for women in all fields accessible to students." HERS organized the Abortion Clinic Evaluation Project and they worked to "help women find decent and humane abortion services and help expose abortion providers who were doing a poor job." This project began after the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973, which legalized abortion. The CWLU realized that once abortion was legal they needed to make sure that women were able to receive safe and clean abortion services. The CWLU also worked with a Hispanic organization called CESA (Committee to End Sterilization Abuse.) They worked together to put an end to unnecessary sterilization of women.

Affiliations

The CWLU partnered with countless organizations including The National Black Feminist Organization, Women Employed (WE), National Organization for Women (NOW), Operation PUSH, Mujeres Latinas en Accion, Midwest Academy, Black Panthers, Puerto Rican Socialist Party, and League of Women Voters. The CWLU worked with Chicago NOW on several projects including defense of the Abortion 7, the City Hall janitress campaign, and an economic justice march in 1974. A key founder of WE came from the CWLU and was a voice for Chicago's workingwomen. Operation PUSH and the CWLU worked together on the City Hall janitress campaign and the defense of Joan Little. Little was a black woman who killed a jail guard in self-defense when he tried to rape her. Mujeres Latinas en Accion and the CWLU worked to form the committee to End Sterilization Abuse. The League of Women Voters and the CWLU worked together on the City Hall janitress campaign against pay discrimination.

End

Due to a lack of structure in the organization, the CWLU often struggled with factionalism and in 1976 a final conflict arose that brought the organization down. Two groups, the Two-Line paper authors and the Asian Women's Group, passed out leaflets at the 1976 International Women's Day Event that denounced many ideas of the CWLU. These groups argued over leadership roles in the CWLU and were purged from the organization after the event in 1976. Losing support, the remaining members voted on April 24, 1977, to end the organization altogether.

References

  1. ^ "Politics & Social Movements Timeline". Click! The Ongoing Feminist Revolution exhibit. Retrieved 2017-05-12.
  2. ^ a b "Vivian Rothstein — She's Beautiful When She's Angry". Shesbeautifulwhenshesangry.com. Retrieved 2017-05-12.
  3. ^ a b c d "Chicago Women's Liberation Union Herstory Project". Cwluherstory.org. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
  4. ^ "The Last of the Red Hot Mammas, or, the Liberation of Women as Performed by the Inmates of the World".
  5. ^ Moravec, Michelle (2013). "Looking for Lyotard, Beyond the Genre of Feminist Manifestos" (PDF). Trespassing Journal. 2: 70–84. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2013-12-06. Retrieved 2014-03-06.

Further reading

External links

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