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Environmental inequality in the United Kingdom

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Environmental inequality in the United Kingdom is the way in which the quality of the environment differs between different communities in the UK.[1] These differences are felt across a number of aspects of the environment, including air pollution, access to green space and exposure to flood risk.[2]

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • The 1960s in America: Crash Course US History #40
  • The British Academy Debates: Energy and the Environment: What's the Challenge?
  • Divided Cities: urban inequalities in the 21st century
  • How healthy is China? China Institute China Debate, SOAS, University of London
  • Power and the Space of the Planet, Keynote by Kim Stanley Robinson

Transcription

Episode 40: The Sixties LOCKED Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course US History and today we’re gonna talk about the 1960s. Mr. Green, Mr. Green. Great. The decade made famous by the narcissists who lived through it. Hey, Me From the Past, finally you and I agree about something wholeheartedly. But while I don’t wish to indulge the baby-boomers’ fantasies about their centrality to world history, the sixties were an important time. I mean, there was the Cold War, Vietnam, a rising tide of conservatism (despite Woodstock), racism. There were the Kennedy’s and Camelot, John, Paul, George, and to a lesser extent, Ringo. And of course, there was also Martin Luther King Jr. intro So, the 1960s saw people organizing and actively working for change both in the social order and in government. This included the student movement, the women’s movement, movements for gay rights, and a push by the courts to expand rights in general. But, by the end of the 1960s, the anti-war movement seemed to have overshadowed all the rest. So as you’ll no doubt remember from last week, the civil rights movement began in the 1950s if not before, but many of its key moments happened in the sixties. And this really began with sit-ins that took place in Greensboro North Carolina. Black university students walked into Woolworths and waited at the lunch counters to be served, or, more likely, arrested. After 5 months of that, those students eventually got Woolworths to serve black customers. Then, in 1961 leaders from the Congress On Racial Equality launched Freedom Rides to integrate interstate buses. Volunteers rode the buses into the Deep South where they faced violence including beatings and a bombing in Anniston AL. But despite that, those freedom rides also proved successful and eventually the ICC desegregated interstate buses. In fact, by the end of the 60s over 70,000 people had taken part in demonstrations, from sit-ins, to teach-ins, to marches. But they weren’t all successful. Martin Luther King’s year-long protests in Albany, GA didn’t end discrimination in the city. And it took JFK ordering federal troops to escort James Meredith to class for him to attend the University of Mississippi. The University of Mississippi: America’s fallback college. Sorry, I’m from Alabama. So, the Civil Rights movement reached its greatest national prominence in 1963 when Martin Luther King came to my hometown of Birmingham, Alabama, where there had been more than 50 racially-motivated bombings since WWII. Television brought the reality of the Jim Crow South into people’s homes as images of Bull Connor’s police dogs and water cannons being turned on peaceful marchers, many of them children, horrified viewers and eventually led Kennedy to endorse the movement’s goals. Probably should mention that John F. Kennedy was president of the United States at the time, having been elected in 1960. He was assassinated in 1963 leading to Lyndon Johnson. Alright, politics over. Anyway, in response to these peaceful protests, Birmingham jailed Martin Luther King where he wrote one of the great letters in American history (doesn’t have a great name): Letter from Birmingham Jail. 1963 also saw the March on Washington, the largest public demonstration in American history up to that time where King gave his famous speech, “I have a Dream.” King and the other organizers called for a civil rights bill and help for the poor, demanding public works, a higher minimum wage, and an end to discrimination in employment. Which eventually, in one of the great bright spots in American history, did sort of happen with the Civil Rights Act. So, one reason American history teachers focus on the Civil Rights Movement so much is that it successfully brought actual legislative change. After being elected president, John F. Kennedy was initially cool to civil rights, but to be fair, the Cold War occupied a lot of his time, what with the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Bay of Pigs and whatnot. But the demonstrations of 1963 pushed John F. Kennedy to support civil rights more actively. According to our dear friend, the historian Eric Foner, “Kennedy realized that the United States simply could not declare itself the champion of freedom throughout the world while maintaining a system of racial inequality at home.”[1] So that June he appeared on TV and called on Congress to pass a law that would ban discrimination in all public accommodations. And then he was assassinated. Thanks, Lee Harvey Oswald. Or possibly someone else. But probably Lee Harvey Oswald. So then, Lyndon Johnson became president and he pushed Congress to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The law prohibited discrimination in employment, schools, hospitals, and privately owned public places like restaurants, and hotels and theaters, and it also banned discrimination on the basis of sex. The Civil Rights Act was a major moment in American legislative history, but it hardly made the United States a haven of equality. So, Civil Rights leaders continued to push for the enfranchisement of African Americans. After Freedom Summer workers registered people in Mississippi to vote, King launched a march for voting rights in Selma, Alabama in January, 1965. And television swayed public opinion in favor of the demonstrators. Thank you, TV, for your one and only gift to humanity. Just kidding. Battlestar Galactica. So, in 1965 Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, which gave the federal government the power to oversee voting in places where discrimination was practiced. In 1965, Congress also passed the Hart-Cellar Act, which got rid of national origin quotas and allowed Asian immigrants to immigrate to the United States. Unfortunately the law also introduced quotas on immigrants from the Western Hemisphere. Lyndon Johnson’s domestic initiatives from 1965 through 1967 are known as the Great Society, and it’s possible that if he hadn’t been responsible for America escalating the war in Vietnam, he might have been remembered, at least by liberals, as one of America’s greatest presidents. Because the Great Society expanded a lot of the promises of the New Deal, especially in the creation of health insurance programs, like Medicare for the elderly and Medicaid for the poor. He also went to War on Poverty. Never go to war with a noun. You will always lose. Johnson treated poverty as a social problem, rather than an economic one. So instead of focusing on jobs or guaranteed income, his initiatives stressed things like training. That unfortunately failed to take into account shifts in the economy away from high wage union manufacturing jobs toward more lower-wage service jobs. [2] Here’s what Eric Foner had to say about Johnson’s domestic accomplishments: “By the 1990s […] the historic gap between whites and blacks in education, income, and access to skilled employment narrowed considerably. But with deindustrialization and urban decay affecting numerous families and most suburbs still being off limits to non-white people, the median wealth of white households remained ten times greater than that of African Americans, and nearly a quarter of all black children lived in poverty.” While Congress was busy enacting Johnson’s Great Society programs, the movement for African American freedom was changing. Let’s go to the ThoughtBubble. Persistent poverty and continued discrimination in the workplace, housing, education, and criminal justice system might explain the shift away from integration and toward black power, a celebration of African American culture and criticism of whites’ oppression. 1964 saw the beginnings of riots in city ghettoes, for instance, mostly in Northern cities. The worst riots were in 1965 in Watts, in southern California. These left 35 people dead, 900 injured, and $30 million in damage. Newark and Detroit also saw devastating riots in 1967. In 1968 the Kerner Report blamed the cause of the rioting on segregation, poverty, and white racism. Then there’s Malcolm X, who many white people regarded as an advocate for violence, but who also called for self-reliance. It’s tempting to see leadership shifting from King to X as the civil rights movement became more militant, but Malcolm X was active in the early 1960s and he was killed in 1965, three years before Martin Luther King was assassinated and before all the major shifts in emphasis towards black power. Older Civil Rights groups like CORE abandoned integration as a goal after 1965 and started to call for black power. The rhetoric of Black Power could be strident, but its message of black empowerment was deeply resonant for many. Oakland’s Black Panther Party did carry guns in self-defense but they also offered a lot of neighborhood services. But the Black Power turned many white people away from the struggle for African American freedom, and by the end of the 1960s, many Americans’ attention had shifted to anti-war movement. Thanks, ThoughtBubble. So it was Vietnam that really galvanized students even though many didn’t have to go to Vietnam because they had student deferments. They just really, really didn’t want their friends to go. The anti-war movement and the civil rights movement inspired other groups to seek an end to oppression. Like, Latinos organized to celebrate their heritage and end discrimination. Latino activism was like black power, but much more explicitly linked to labor justice, especially the strike efforts led by Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers. The American Indian Movement, founded in 1968, took over Alcatraz to symbolize the land that had been taken from Native Americans. And they won greater tribal control over education, economic development, and they also filed suits for restitution. And in June of 1969, after police raided a gay bar, called the Stonewall Inn, members of the gay community began a series of demonstrations in New York City, which touched off the modern gay liberation movement. Oh, it’s time for the Mystery Document? The rules here are pretty simple. I read the Mystery Document, guess the author, I’m either right or I get shocked. Alright, what have we got here. If the Bill of Rights contains no guarantee that a citizen shall be secure against lethal poisons distributed either by private individuals or by public officials [I already know it!], it is surely only because our forefathers, despite their considerable wisdom and foresight, could conceive of no such problem. Rachel Carson! Silent Spring. YES. I am on such a roll. Silent Spring was a massively important book because it was the first time that anyone really described all of the astonishingly poisonous things we were putting into the air and the ground and the water. Fortunately, that’s all been straightened out now and everything that we do and make as human beings is now sustainable. What’s that? Oh god. The environmental movement gained huge bipartisan support and it resulted in important legislation during the Nixon era, including the Clean Air and Water Acts, and the Endangered Species Act. And yes, I said that environmental legislation was passed during the Nixon administration. But perhaps the most significant freedom movement in terms of number of people involved and long-lasting effects was the American Feminist movement. This is usually said to have begun with the publication of Betty Friedan’s book The Feminine Mystique, which set out to describe “the problem that has no name.” Turns out the name is “misogyny.” [3] Friedan described a constricting social and economic system that affected mostly middle class women, but it resonated with the educated classes and led to the foundation of the National Organization of Women in 1966. Participation in student and civil rights movements led many women to identify themselves as members of a group that was systematically discriminated against. And by “systemic,” I mean that in 1963, 5.8% of doctors were women and 3.7% of lawyers were women and fewer than 10% of doctoral degrees went to women. They are more than half of the population. While Congress responded with the Equal Pay Act in 1963, younger women sought greater power and autonomy in addition to legislation. Crucially, 60s-era feminists opened America to the idea that the “personal is political,” especially when it came to equal pay, childcare, and abortion. Weirdly, the branch of government that provided most support to the expansion of personal freedom in the 1960s was the most conservative one, the Supreme Court. The Warren Court handed down so many decisions expanding civil rights that the era has sometimes been called a rights revolution. The Warren court expanded the protections of free speech and assembly under the First Amendment and freedom of the press in the New York Times v. Sullivan decision. It struck down a law banning interracial marriage in the most appropriately named case ever, Loving v. Virginia. And although this would become a lightning rod for many conservatives, Supreme Court decisions greatly expanded the protections of people accused of crimes. Gideon v. Wainwright secured the right to attorney, Mapp v. Ohio established the exclusionary rule under the Fourth Amendment, and Miranda v. Arizona provided fodder for Channing Tatum in his great movie, 21 Jump Street, insuring that he would always have to say to every perp, “You have the right to remain silent.” But you can’t silence my heart, Channing Tatum. It beats only for thee. But, the most innovative and controversial decisions actually established a new right where none had existed in the constitution. Griswold v. Connecticut, dealt with contraception, and Roe v. Wade, guaranteed a woman’s right to an abortion (at least in the first trimester). And those two decisions formed the basis of a new right, the right to privacy. Protests, the counter culture, and the liberation movements continued well into the early 1970s, losing steam with the end of the Vietnam war and America’s economy plunging into the toilet. For many, though, the year 1968 sums up the decade. 1968 began with the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, which stirred up the anti-war protests. Then racial violence erupted after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. on April 4, 1968. Then, anti-war demonstrators as well as some counter culture types arrived in large numbers at the 1968 Democratic convention in Chicago where they were set upon by police and beaten in what was later described as a “police riot.” 1968 also saw the Prague Spring uprising in Czechoslovakia crushed by the Soviets. And student demonstrators were killed by the police in Mexico City where the Olympics were held and Parisian students took to the streets in widespread protests against, you know, France. All this unrest scared a lot of people who ended up voting for Richard Nixon and his promises to return to law and order. Ultimately, like any decade or arbitrary historical “age,” the 60s defies easy categorization. Yes, there were hippies and liberation movements, but there were also reactions to those movements. On this one, I’m just gonna leave it up to Eric Foner to summarize the decade’s legacy: “[The 1960s] made possible the entrance of numerous members of racial minorities into the mainstream of American life, while leaving unsolved the problem of urban poverty. It set in motion a transformation of the status of women. It changed what Americans expected from government – from clean air and water to medical coverage in old age. And at the same time, it undermined confidence in national leaders. Relations between young and old, men and women, and white and non-white, along with every institution in society, changed as a result.” But there’s one last thing I want to emphasize. All of this wasn’t really the result of, like, a radical revolution. It was the result of a process that had been going on for decades. I mean, arguably a process that had been going on for hundreds of years. Thanks for watching, I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is made with the help of all these nice people and it’s possible because of generous support from the Bluth Family Frozen Banana Stand. Just kidding. We don’t have corporate sponsors. We have you. Subbable.com is a voluntary subscription platform (by the way, you can just click on my face) that allows people who care about stuff, like you hopefully care about Crash Course, to support it directly on a monthly basis. I’m over here now, but you should still click on my face. So Subbable has lots of great Crash Course perks, you can get signed posters and all kinds of things, and most importantly, you can help us keep this show free, for ever, for everyone. Thank you again for watching, and as we say in my hometown, there’s always money in the banana stand. ________________ [1] Foner Give me Liberty ebook version p. 1043 [2] [Text Box: The War on Poverty also included popular programs like VISTA, Head Start and food-stamps. Poverty was reduced but probably as much by economic growth as the programs themselves. And they didn’t eradicate poverty.] [3]

The concept of 'environmental inequality'

Definitions

The Environment Agency, a British non-departmental public body of the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA), defines 'environmental inequality' as follows: 'To observe or claim an environmental inequality is to point out that an aspect of the environment is distributed unevenly amongst different social groups (differentiated by social class, ethnicity, gender, age, location, etc.)'.[3]

The Sustainable Development Research Network (SDRN) define environmental inequality as follows: 'Environmental inequality refers to the unequal distribution of environmental risks and hazards and access to environmental goods and services.'[4]

Gordon Walker (Department of Geography, Lancaster Environment Centre, Lancaster University and Malcolm Eames (University of Cardiff) defines 'environmental inequality' as 'covering a wide range of questions of difference or unevenness, including:

  • Who has good quality and safe environment to live in, who experiences pollution, hazards and risks and who is distanced or protected from such impacts?
  • Who accesses and consumes environmental resources and who is unable to do so, or limited in their degree of access and consumption?
  • Who is able to shape environmental decision-making and who is not? Who is included who is excluded?'[5]

Sociologist Liam Downey (2005) has distinguished five different ways of defining environmental inequality:

i) Intentional racism definitions: According to this definition, environmental inequalities arise when environmental hazards are intentionally placed in minority neighbourhoods by private companies.

ii) Disparate exposure definitions: According to this definition, environmental inequalities arise 'when members of a specific social group are more highly exposed to some set of environmental pollutants than we would expect if group members were randomly distributed across residential space'.

iii) Disparate health impact definitions: According to this definition, environmental inequalities arise 'when the negative health effects of residential proximity or exposure to environmental hazards are distributed unequally across social groups.'

iv) Disparate social impacts definitions: According to this definition, environmental inequalities arise 'when members of a specific social group are more likely to live in environmentally hazardous neighborhoods than we would expect if group members were randomly distributed across residential space.'

v) Relative distribution of burdens versus benefits definitions: According to this definition, environmental inequalities arise when groups that receive greater benefits from capitalist social relations (according to proponents of this definition, this means whites and the middle and upper classes) are less burdened by industrial pollution than groups that receive fewer benefits from capitalist social relations (according to proponents of this definition, this means people of colour, the poor and the working classes).[6]

History

The concept of environmental inequality emerged in the context of the movement for Environmental Justice. The Environmental Justice movement originated in the US in the 1980s[7] in response to concerns about communities from poor, black and minority ethnic environments being disproportionately affected by environmental issues and excluded from environmental decision-making.[8]

Much initial progress on promoting an Environmental Justice agenda in the UK was made in Scotland, beginning with a speech made by Jack McConnell, First Minister of the Scottish Executive in 2002. McConnell said: '... the reality is that the people who have the most urgent environmental concerns in Scotland are those who daily cope with the consequences of a poor quality of life, and live in a rotten environment – close to industrial pollution, plagued by vehicle emissions, streets filled by litter and walls covered in graffiti. This is true for Scotland and also true elsewhere in the world. These are circumstances which would not be acceptable to better off communities in our society, and those who have to endure such environments in which to bring up a family, or grow old themselves are being denied environmental justice.'[9]

Following this speech, and in light of Environmental Justice campaigning by Friends of the Earth Scotland,[10] references to Environmental Justice have been made in several Scottish policy documents ( e.g. Scottish Executive 2002c, 2003, 2003a (the Partnership Agreement); Scottish Executive Development Department, 2001, 2003, 2004, and 2005). The Scottish Executive, in 2005, commissioned research into ways of making environmental information more accessible to the public, and has also recently commissioned a study that investigates the social impacts of flooding.[9]

An Environmental Justice agenda has also been emerging in England since the late 1990s. In 1999, Environment Minister Michael Meacher wrote, in a foreword to 'Equality and the Environment' by Brenda Boardman: 'environmental problems are serious and impact most heavily on the most vulnerable members of society: the old, the very young and the poor.'[11] In a 2001 speech, Prime Minister Tony Blair spoke about the need to address environmental issues such as access to green space and air quality in deprived urban areas[12] and in a speech given to the UN in New York, 2007, Prime Minister Gordon Brown said that 'the consequences of climate change will be disproportionately felt by the poorest who are least responsible for it – making the issue of climate change one of justice as much as economic development...economic progress social justice and environmental care now go together.'[13]

The presence of this agenda became clear at a policy level in England, in DEFRA's 1999 Sustainable Development Strategy 'A Better Life', in which there was a focus on access to environmental information, decision making and justice.[14] The Environmental Justice theme was evident again in the 2004 Sustainable Development Strategy, which commissioned a public consultation on issues around environmental justice and equality.[15] Further, in 2003, the government's Social Exclusion Unit published a report that examined issues around inequalities in transport and pollution.[16] One governmental actor involved in pushing forward the Environmental Justice agenda was The Office of the Deputy Prime Minister. In 2004, it included environmental factors in its indices of deprivation[17] and, in 2005, it commissioned research into the links between social and economic conditions and environmental quality.[18] The UK Environmental Justice agenda was also taken on by the government's Sustainable Development Commission (SDC). In their November 2001 review of the UK's Sustainable Development Strategy, SDC approached issues of regeneration, poverty and the environment with an environmental justice perspective,[19] and in their 2002 report 'Vision for Sustainable Regeneration, Environment and Poverty', SDC stressed the need for a new approach to sustainable regeneration that acknowledges the importance of environmental inequalities and the links between poverty and the environment.[20]

The discourse around environmental justice in the UK is often framed in terms of 'environmental equality', following DEFRA's decision to use environmental equality as one of its sustainable development indicators.[21][22]

People affected

The Environment Agency states that 'People who are socially and economically disadvantaged often live in the worst environments. For example, those living in the most deprived parts of England experience the worst air quality and have less access to green space and adequate housing. These problems can affect people's health and well-being and can add to the burden of social and economic deprivation. They can also limit the opportunities available for people to improve their lives and undermine attempts to renew local neighbourhoods. Those affected tend to be the most vulnerable and excluded in society.'[23]

There is also evidence that people from BME (black and minority ethnic) backgrounds suffer the worst environmental conditions, and are excluded from environmental decision-making.[24] UK NGO and think-tank Capacity Global, in 'BMEs – Tackling Social and Environmental Justice', argue that several barriers exist, which hinder BAME communities' action on tackling environmental problems.[25]

Examples

Access to parks, green spaces and the natural environment

The most affluent 20 per cent of council wards have five times the amount of parks or general green space (excluding gardens) per person than the most deprived 10 per cent of wards.[26] Wards with a population with fewer than 2% black and minority ethnic residents have six times as many parks and eleven times more public green space as wards where more than 40 per cent of the population are people from black and minority ethnic groups.[26]

According to a 2011 DEFRA White Paper on the Natural Environment, people in deprived areas are nearly six times less likely than those in affluent ones to describe their area as 'green', and 'those living in deprived areas, minority ethnic communities, elderly people and those with disabilities have less access to green spaces or tend to use them less.' This paper also noted that the frequency of exposure to the natural environment (incorporating a broad array of living things including wildlife, forests, rivers, streams, lakes, seas, countryside, farmed land and urban green space) is 'significantly lower' amongst those aged above 65, BME populations and those on low incomes (members of DE socioeconomic groups).[27]

According to the government's Forestry Commission, several factors interact to prevent black and minority ethnic groups from having the same access to woodland as other groups. These are: economic factors; lack of awareness, familiarity, knowledge, confidence or interest; cultural attitudes and preferences; feeling unwelcome and out of place.[28]

Exposure to flood risk

Deprived communities are more exposed to flood risk, with eight times more people in the most deprived 10% of the population living in tidal floodplains than the least deprived 10%. People in deciles 1 and 2 (decile 1 being the most deprived 10% of the population and decile 2 the second most deprived 10%) are 47 per cent more likely to be living at risk of flooding than the rest of the population for zone 2 floodrisk areas, and 62% more likely for zone 3.[3]

Air pollution

The worst levels of air pollution are experienced by people in the most deprived 10% areas in England. These people are also subject to 41% higher concentrations of nitrogen dioxide from transport and industry than the average.[1] The average black or black-British African in the UK person is exposed to 27.25 micrograms per cubic metre of harmful pollutant PM10. This is over 28% higher than the average urban white person.[29]

Exposure to harmful chemicals

A 1999 Friends of the Earth report found that 82% of all carcinogenic chemical emissions were released by factories in the most deprived 20% wards. Further, the report suggested that because 70% of all people from ethnic minorities in the UK live in the 88 most deprived wards, this exposure to harmful chemicals disproportionately affects these people.[11]

Transport-related problems

Over a quarter of child pedestrian casualties happen in the most deprived 10% of wards. In Wales, children and people aged over 65 are twice as likely to be injured by motor vehicles in deprived areas than in more advantaged areas.[30]

Proximity to waste and landfill sites

An investigation by the Environment Agency into Environmental Justice in South Yorkshire revealed that in South Yorkshire, people in decile 1 are twice as likely to be living next to a recycling site, a waste transfer site or a landfill site as the rest of the population and three times more likely to be living near to an amenity site.[31] In the UK as a whole, deprived communities are more likely to live near waste sites except landfill sites, where it is the least deprived populations that are located nearby.[32]

Export of products banned for sale in the UK

Innospec, a company based in Ellesmere Port, is the last remaining manufacturer of tetraethyl lead in the world. The product is banned for general sale in the UK, but has been exported to countries such as Afghanistan, Burma, Iraq and Yemen.[33] The firm has admitted paying bribes to foreign officials.[34] Journalist George Monbiot has argued that Innospec was let off lightly for the bribery and has termed the continued permissiveness in allowing Innospec to export its product as 'environmental racism'.[33]

Causes

As for the causes of environmental inequalities in the UK, the Environment Agency writes: 'The causes of these inequalities are often complex and long-standing. Some problems are due to the historical location of industry and communities; others are the result of the impacts of new developments such as traffic. Often these environmental problems are caused by the actions of others who do not live in the affected community. Often those most affected have not been involved in the decisions that affect the quality of their environment.'[23] Environmental equity advocates often argue that environmental inequalities are entrenched due to the fact that the vulnerable communities exposed to environmental burdens lack the means necessary to change their situation due to factors such as limited economic means, exclusion from decision-making processes and institutionalised racism.[35]

Work being done

The UK government has included environmental equality as one of its sustainable development indicators since the establishment of these indicators in 1992.[21] Further, DEFRA have incorporated an environmental inequalities analysis into its work,[1] and the Environment Agency have published several reports on environmental inequality.[36][37][38][39]

In Wales, action around environmental inequalities has primarily been coordinated through the Welsh Assembly's Community First initiative, which has attempted to enable deprived communities to take action themselves on sustainable development issues, with a particular focus on health inequalities and the health benefits of access to environmental goods.[40] The Welsh Assembly have recognised the environmental aspects of deprivation, incorporating this into its 2008 index of multiple deprivation.[41]

Several UK academics have published widely around environmental inequalities. Academics working on environmental inequalities include Gordon Walker of Lancaster University and Professor Malcolm Eames of Cardiff University.[42] In 2006, Brunel University and Lancaster University organised a series of seminars on environmental inequalities.[43] This was supported by the Economic & Social Research Council, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Sustainable Development Research Council, the Environment Agency and DEFRA.

The following UK NGOs work on issues around environmental inequalities:

  • Friends of the Earth do some work on issues around environmental justice and inequalities. In 2001, they published a briefing on Environmental Justice with the ESRC[11] and they have also published a report on social exclusion and transport in Bradford.[44]
  • Friends of the Earth Scotland have a particularly strong focus on environmental justice[45] and have conducted research into and campaigned on inequalities in exposure to air pollution.[46]
  • Capacity Global are an NGO and think-tank that work on issues around environmental justice and environmental inequality.[25][47][48]
  • The London Sustainability Exchange have worked on environmental inequalities in London.[49]
  • Groundwork UK, in a report called 'Fair and Green', examine the relationship between environmental problems, deprivation and social justice and focus on the issue of environmental inequalities.[50]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-04-15. Retrieved 2011-11-14.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  2. ^ "London Sustainability Exchange". LSX. Archived from the original on 2012-04-25. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  3. ^ a b "Microsoft Word - PUBLISHED FLOOD.doc" (PDF). Staffs.ac.uk. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-03-20. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  4. ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-04-25. Retrieved 2011-11-14.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  5. ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-03-13. Retrieved 2011-11-14.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  6. ^ Downey, L (2005). "Assessing Environmental Inequality: How the conclusions we draw vary according to the definitions we employ". Sociol Spectr. 25 (3): 349–369. doi:10.1080/027321790518870. PMC 3162366. PMID 21874079.
  7. ^ "II". Archived from the original on 2011-11-25. Retrieved 2011-11-14.
  8. ^ See Schlosberg, David. (2007) Defining Environmental Justice: Theories, Movements, and Nature. Oxford University Press.
  9. ^ a b "Sustainable Development: A Review of International Literature". Scotland.gov.uk. Archived from the original on 2013-02-06. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  10. ^ "Access to Environmental Justice | Friends of the Earth Scotland". Foe-scotland.org.uk. Archived from the original on 2016-12-27. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  11. ^ a b c "Environmental justice : Rights and means to a healthy environment for all" (PDF). Foe.co.uk. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  12. ^ "[ARCHIVED CONTENT] UK Government Web Archive – The National Archives". Webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk. Archived from the original on 2006-10-04. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  13. ^ "UK | UK Politics | In full: Brown's speech at UN". BBC News. 2007-07-31. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  14. ^ "[ARCHIVED CONTENT] UK Government Web Archive – The National Archives". Archived from the original on 2008-05-30. Retrieved 2016-12-10.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  15. ^ "Microsoft Word - Draft final.doc" (PDF). webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2006-07-20. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  16. ^ "Making the Connections: Final Report on Transport and Social Exclusion" (PDF). Webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2010-09-07. Retrieved 2016-12-10.
  17. ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-12-11. Retrieved 2011-11-14.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
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